Head hunting as savage as it might sound has a biblical reminiscence when David after defeating Goliath chops Goliath's head off.
The Danu clan of the Burmans might be Danites, even though the other Burman clans are not Israelites.
The Chiangs (Israelites from Tibet vicinity) are ancestors of the Chins, & of the Shans possibly.
The Kachin clan called Nun has the very name of Joshua's father. Since Nun was an Ephraimite, would the Kachins be Ephraimites? A majority of Kachins are Christians. Their war dances & songs resemble those of North American Indians & of ancient Israel.
The name Kachin might come from Kasi, one of the Pashtun clans. The Kasi Pashtuns descend from Kasi, also known as Kish. He was a Pashtun commander & descendant of King Saul, first king of Israel. Saul's father was also named Kish. Is Helon town of Helon, in Bhamo District, Kachin State, Burma [Myanmar], named after after the Zebulonite clan of Helon? If that is the case the Kachins might be Zebulonites.
The Santals
The Santal are an ancient tribe, found mostly in North Bengal (Northern part of Bangladesh). Some believe that the Kherwars came into the land of Bengal after the first clashes with the invading Aryan tribes (2500 B. C.). Many believe the Santal probably landed in Bangladesh no later than 1000 B.C.
There is a tradition in South India that the Apostle Thomas introduced Christianity to them in 52 AD.
Lars Skrefsrud and Hans Borreson began mission work with the Santal Tribe north of Calcutta in 1867.
The Santals have an interesting myth on the creation of mankind by Thakur Jiu (Supreme God).
The Santals (like so many others) have no recorded history. We cannot be absolutely certain on anything, as very little is known. But Lars used it, he accepted Thakur Jiu as Yahweh's name among the Santal.
The Naga Tribes of Manipur
The Ganges was a river which, according to ancient records there were Israelites dwelling around.
The Brahmaputra might have recieved its name from Abraham as different scholars have pointed before about the Indian Brahmin. There's a spot called Nohemi, near the sources of the river Barak.
Nohemi is another form of the Hebrew name Naomi & Barak was an Naphtalite commander, who with Deborah the prophetess, defeated the Canaanite armies led by Sisera. The story of the defeat of the Canaanites under the prophetic leadership of Deborah and the military leadership of Barak, is related in Judges 4. Lushai (the name of some local hills) means Ten Tribes in one of the local languages.
Maram, one of the regional villages, could be a deformation of Miriam, name of Moses' sister. There are some stone monoliths found in the area. Monoliths as Stonhenge are regarded as made by Israelites. A village called Bakema has the name of Celebrated Dutchman. Dutchmen & other western Europeans are regarded as Israelites by British Israelites.
Hostility to outsiders is not uncommon among tribes organised as are these in small communities which tend to become endogamous as regards other similar communities, but which are internally composed of exogamous divisions (just as in ancient Israel).
Curiously several other Germanic (Israelite) names are also found among Pashtuns which are Israelites too. Interestingly there's a Naga clan called Kabul or Kabui (depending on the version), & Kabul is the capital of Afghanistan were the Pashtun Israelites live. In the Holy Land there's a village called Kabul too.
Tradition makes the Nagas, Kukis, and Manipuris descended from a common ancestor & is widely spread. A custom is derived from a time when the rights of the youngest son were prepotent (is this derived from the story of Joseph that inspite being the youngest he inherited the best blessings?):
The misfortune of them having their fire extinguished was set straight by the timely intervention of the Deity, who taught them to get fire from a stone, and to this day the sacred stone from which they first struck fire is still standing and is worshipped (thanks to God the Israelites got the opposite from a rock: water).
The common feature in all these legends about their origin is the absence of any claim to be the original inhabitants of the country they now occupy (not surprising if they have ancient Israelite origin).
The Manipuri tumbled headlong, which explains his fondness for bathing (like the Jews). The Manipuris were the Benjamin of the tribes who supported them and have gone on doing so ever since. The legend of the origin of the village of Maram presents several features of interest.
They say they came out of a cave in the earth at a place called Murringphy in the hills, about four days' journey north-east of the Munnipore valley. They attempted to leave this cave one by one, but a large tiger, who was on the watch, devoured them successively as they emerged (this story is similar to that of the Chin Israelites).
The Tangkhul Nagas, were settled in the areas they now occupy at an early date, when the Meitheis, now their masters, were yet wild and untouched by the finer arts of life.
Among the Mao Nagas we find a variant of the legend which connects the hill tribes Naga as well as Kuki with the Manipuris.
The ancestors of the village came from the west. They were a couple named Medungasi and Simoting, and it fell out that a great flood came and destroyed all mankind but these two. Finding themselves alone they did not know if they might properly marry and therefore went out into the jungle together.
What befell them showed that there was some hindrance to their union, and they dreamed that night, and in their dreams a god came to the man and told him that they might marry, but on the condition that henceforth none of their descendants should eat the flesh of the pig (the same prohibition of eating pork as the Jews with an adding of the deluge). We may notice the importance of dreams and of the divine messages revealed in them.
Now the legend current among the folk of Maram brings them from the west and in certain of the Quoireng villages it is definitely stated that at one time they lived in a spot called Nohemi, near the sources of the river Barak.
"Between Angami Naga and the Bodo languages there is a group, which I call the Naga-Bodo group, bridging over the difference between the characteristic features of the two forms of speech, and similarly between Angami Naga and the Kuki languages there is another group which I call the Naga-Kuki. . . The Naga-Bodo group . . . consists of two main languages, Mikir (Makir, having the same consonants as Mikir, was the name of a Manassehite clan. Not by chance the Chinkukis are regarded as Manassehites)... and Kachcha Naga. . . . Subordinate languages, closely akin to but not dialects, of, Kachcha Nagk, are Kabui Naga and Khoirao Naga. ...
Among the Chirus we find the legend of the three brothers who became in time the progenitors of the Kukis, Nagas, and Manipuris, coupled with the fact that in comparatively recent times they migrated, under pressure of the advance of tribes from the south, to their present homes from sites in the south-east of the valley beyond Moirang (the belief in a common origin with the Kuki Israelites makes the Nagas as Israelites likely).
The Bodo language with which they show the most important points of kinship is the eastern one — Chutiya; while Angami and Lhta are the two Naga tongues to which they are most closely allied. It must, however, be confessed that in regard to Kabui and Khoirao the classification is somewhat arbitrary, for, though they have undoubted connection with the Bodo languages, they also show many points of contact with the Kuki ones." - Sir Charles Lyall has shown good reasons for declining to accept the inclusion of Mikir in this group and finds evidence for grouping it with the Kuki-Chin languages."
The Naga-Kuki sub-group includes Sopvoma or Mao Naga, Maram, Miyangkhang, Kwoireng or Liyang, Luhupa or Luppa language, Tangkhul and Maring. The language of the Mao Nagas most nearly approaches the true Naga languages. Of these it possesses the closest resemblance to Kezhama. . . . Indeed, Sopvoma is so closely connected with all the languages of the Western sub-group (in which are included Angami, Sema, Rengma and Kezhama), that it might with equal propriety be classed as belonging to it as to the Naga-Kuki one.
The Chirus speak a language which belongs to the old Kuki sub-group of the Kuki-Chin languages, in which its fellows are Rangkhol, Bete, Hallam (in Britain there are other Hallam toponyms They are regarded by Twohousers as coming from Elon, son of Zebulon.
There are several Zebulonite toponyms like Zabulistan & others in the not distant Afghanistan), Langrong, Aimol, Kolren, Kom, Cha, Mhar, Anal, Hiroi-Lamgang and Purum (any relation with Hebrew word purim?). This last must not be confused with the Naga village of the same name, which belongs to the Maram group.
Space permits, we might enlarge our borders by extending our comparisons to the peoples of Borneo and the Celebes like the Torajas regarded as Israelites by some.
Kinship is not reckoned through females, and rights of succession (as it was in ancient Israel), both to village office and to movable or personal property, are vested in males.
Tribes such as the Chiru on the western side of the valley and the Marring on the eastern side, form connecting links with the true Naga tribes and the numerous Kuki tribes then living in the south.
On high days and holidays the men wear a much more elaborate costume than on regular days. It consists of a handsome kilt (kilts are associated to ancient Israelites like Scottsmen or Tongans) embroidered with ornaments like sequins and the headdress is the luhup with decorations of toucan feathers and tresses of hair.
The dress of Tangkhul men consists of a simple cloth worn round the waist and tied in a knot in front leaving the ends hanging down. These ends are fringed with straw pendants (like the American Indians & the Jews). The waist cloths are made of stout cotton woven in red and blue stripes two inches wide and horizontal. Over the body they wear in cold weather a long cloth in red and blue stripes to which in the case of chiefs custom permits the addition of a handsome border.
Girls wear two garments, one of which may be regarded as worn for effect only as it consists of a plain square of cloth, often dark blue with a red border, hung round the neck over the bosom. The skirt descends to the knee which it barely covers. Older women wrap themselves up in a white rug which is thrown apparently without any method over the shoulders.
The women wear small caps of blue cloth (like the Jewesses. & the color is also the favorite Jewish color) when working in the fields. Their petticoats reach from the waist to the knee and are made of cotton cloth manufactured in the weaving villages.
The ordinary dress of a Mao Naga consists of a short black cotton kilt about eighteen inches deep which is ornamented by three or four rows of white cowries, or in these degenerate days of white trouser buttons.
Red and blue are the "colors" of the Tangkhuls (like that of ancient Israel). The kilt is not assumed until the approach of puberty. Special cloths are worn by the headman and by those who have erected a stone. Many of the cloths are obtained by barter from the Angamis.
A Lushai bugler in uniform was taken for a Damai by an officer well competent to speak on Gurkhas.
The only other article of clothing worn by the men is a thick sheet of cotton cloth, and this only when the weather is cold. The women wear a piece of cotton cloth of thick texture and reaches to a little below the knee: this garment is confined round the waist by a coloured scarf with fringed ends (fringes like the Amerindians & the Jews). On holiday occasions the blue with red stripes is the favourite colour.
Over the shoulders is worn a scarf-shaped piece of cloth, generally of blue, with a border and fringe of other colours. The loin-cloths worn by the men are dark in colour, and the upper cloth is surrounded by red, blue and white lines about one inch in width, and the centre is white.
The women wear several kinds of petticoats, all of which are made at home. The general colouring is white background with red and blue stripes, while in a southern village I noticed a variety with broad khaki bands between which there were narrow red bands.
Quoireng men wear the short black kilt that is the costume of their neighbours the Angamis, with whom they have trade relations.
Very young girls have their heads shaved, but on reaching a marriageable age they allow the hair to grow long (like some Igbo Israelites).
A monarch of a country beyond Sirohi-furar ordered the miserable Nagas to tattoo their women (Where they obliged to dissobey Torah by gentiles?). I have not found any other cases of tattooing among the hill tribes in Manipur.
Among the Mao and Maram Nagas, the hair of the children of both sexes is cut close until puberty, and it is reckoned a disgrace for a girl to have short hair when she marries, or to have a child until her hair has grown to some length. The men cut the hair at the sides (is this made on purpose to dissobey the Torah that prescribed the opposite?).
To the seven families of the Murrings after their creation the deity gave pens of reed and skins of leather to write upon.
In the Mao, Maram and Mayang-Khong groups, men and women alike wear necklaces made of rows of polished hexagonal (does this shape relate with the Star of David?) cornelian beads which are valued highly. They are good judges of the quality of these beads, which they string themselves, adding, partly from economical necessities and in part in order to get more decorative effect, bones of deer carefully whitened and rounded and interspersed with blue beads.
In their festivals, the men wear their peculiar ornaments, of which the most prized are necklaces of red pebble.
Long bead and shell necklaces are worn in profusion, as amongst the Kowpoees.
The weapons of offence in common use throughout the hills are the spear, the dao and the bow and arrow. The dao is the hill knife, and used universally throughout the country.
The fighting dao is differently shaped : this is a long pointless sword, set in a wooden handle or ebony; it is very heavy, and a blow of almost incredible power can be given by one of these weapons. The weapon is identical with the parang latok of the Malays. The dao to a hill man is a possession of great price. It is literally the bread winner; with this he cuts his joom and builds his houses; without its aid the most ordinary operations of hill life could not be performed.
The arrows are occasionally poisoned with some vegetable extract. This poison, which is also used by the Kookie tribes, is a dark brown, gummy-looking extract soluble in greater part in water. The poison used by the Bhooteahs is very much the same as that used by the Marrings and Kookies.
The oblong shield which is usually carried by the Mao, Maram, Quoireng, and Kabul Nagas, is about four feet long, two feet six inches wide at the top, narrowing to two feet at the bottom.
Although never used as a weapon, the ceremonial dao of the Kabuis is of interest because it differs from the ordinary dao.
In Maram we find an interesting regulation which requires that the houses should at least not face the west because that is the direction in which the spirits of the dead go to their resting place (is this because the Holy Land of their ancestors is in the west?)
Here and there, especially among the Mao and Maram people, we see handsome drinking cups of buffalo horn (like the Vikings) in imitation of the Angami Naga.
They say that they learnt the art of weaving from a Deity who noticed and pitied their naked condition and taught them to weave cloths and to be decent.
The village blacksmith is an institution throughout this area, and he forges the spears and daos which his people require (the Israelites have been good blacksmiths & metal working specialists).
We have in this area tribes who migrate periodically and practise only the jhum system of cultivation. We have tribes such as the Kabuis who keep to their village sites with tenacity, but are compelled to change the area of their cultivation year by year in set rotation. They preserve the memory of other days by taking omens annually to decide the direction in which the cultivation is to be (any relation to Israelite agriculture?).
In crowded villages, as in the Mao group, patches of jhum cultivation exist which are semi-permanent, as they are cropped one year and left fallow for two years, which is not really long enough for any heavy jungle to grow (this jhum system, especially the resting of the fields, resembles the agricultural laws of the Old Testaments).
Among the Kabuis, Quoirengs, Marrings and Chirus, jhum cultivation provides the bulk of their sustenance.
The mountain land around the village, within certain fixed bounds, is usually the property of the village. This they cultivate with rice in elevations suited to it, and with other crops in situations unfitted for that species of grain. The spot cultivated this year is not again cultivated for the next ten years; it having been found that the space of time is required for the formation of a cultivable soil by the decay of the vegetable matter that again springs upon it.
Across the field in parallel lines, at no great distance apart, they lay the unconsumed trunks of the trees ; they serve as dams to the water which comes down the face of the hill when it rains, and prevents the soil being carried away with it.
When felling the jungle for the jhums, it is usual to leave one tree in the middle of the field as a refuge for the tree spirit. It is interesting to note the skill with which advantage is taken of the tree logs to employ them as retaining walls to keep the moisture in the ground.
Is the terraced field system evolved from the jhum system and is it legitimate to see in the details of jhum cultivation rudiments of the principles that govern the construction of the terraced
fields?
The terraced "system of cultivation gradually spread northwards from Manipur until it reached the Angamis who adopted it for the following reasons: (1) a desire for a better kind of food... (2) the impossibility of raising a sufficient crop of this better kind of food, i.e. rice, except by a system like that of irrigated terraces... (3) a good water supply. The same method of extending and enhancing the cultivable area has been employed all over the world. There are traces of terraced fields in England — and in America the system received remarkable development.
The rice grown in the hills is said to be very much coarser than the delicate varieties cultivated in the valley, and there is a tale current that the rice grown by the Kukis in their jhums is undoubtedly superior to the ordinary hill rice.
As a rule Nagas hunt in large numbers, all the men turning out to drive the game from ravines into more open country where it can be chased by the dogs and speared or shot. The Tangkhuls of the villages Hundung and Ukrul possess a special variety of dogs which resemble the "Chow".
If they kill on land belonging to another village, that village is entitled to a share of the game if any of its men be present at the kill.
The Kabuis hunt in numbers like other Nagas, and, unlike their neighbours the Kukis, also make considerable use of traps and snares. Hunting is prohibited during the cultivating season and the game have thus a close season which is extremely beneficial.
Fishing rights become valuable in the lower reaches of the hill rivers, for the upper waters are too shallow and the current too swift for much to be done there. The Quoirengs, Kabuis, and Marrings use poison, especially in the smaller streams.
The poison used is identical with that used on the arrows, and stupefies the fish so that they float on the top of the water. There are no ill efiects on those who eat the fish thus captured.
The dietary of the inhabitants is naturally restricted by the limitations on the capacity of the country to produce foodstuffs, and by the remarkable prohibitions, which from long custom possess great force, against the use as articles of food of products of the country both by whole classes of persons and by individuals either generally or under special conditions.
The staple is, of course, rice, which is cooked in earthen pots or in bamboo tubes.
Locusts are eaten (as John the Baptist did). The Naga, especially the Tangkhul, is fond of dried fish, which is imported into Manipur in large quantities from Cachar. They also eat fresh fish.
The game of draughts together with variants or derivatives, which they call the tiger and the men, and which resembles our game of fox and geese.
"Hansengay". In this a circle is formed by young men and girls who move round, singing at the same time, the men heading the circle, the women bearing bamboo tubes. An instrument resembling the Jew's Harp is also used among the Mao Nagas. Other musical instruments are gongs made of bell-metal, which are purchased either in Burma or in Cachar. I have seen a fiddle imitating the "pena" used in Manipur, with a gourd covered with leather as a sounding box, hair strings and a bow fashioned from a bent bamboo with a string.
In a Chiru village near Thobal, in the valley, I saw the men playing on a goshem (does it receive its name from goshen, the area in Egypt in which the Israelites lived?),- or Kuki reeded instrument in use among the Mrungs.
Are the olive branches used by the Nagas originally taken from the Holy Land? Olive tree is original from the Mediterranean area, not from Indochina.
Naga society is patrilineal and male ascendancy is complete with them.
We have reason for holding that there were at one time ten (is this number related with that of the Lost Ten Tribes?) clans in Manipur which have been reduced to seven by the disappearance of two clans and the amalgamation of the clans Khaba and Anganba into one.
The Moirang clan is distinguished from the other Manipuri clans by its remarkable homogeneity, its special localisation in the south of the valley, and therefore in contact with Kuki rather than with Naga tribes, and its independence and by the fact that it has preserved in greater vigour than any other Manipuri clan the system of commvmal or clan genna which constitutes so important a feature of Naga life.
The institution of a communal house strictly reserved for the use of males or of females to which access is denied to members of the opposite sex, is found in so many parts of the world that it would seem to be rather symptomatic of a definite level of culture.
It is found in Australia, Africa, North and South America, Micronesia and Polynesia as well as in India, and particularly in Assam and among the congeners of the Naga and Kuki tribes in Upper Burma. Women are forbidden to enter it.
Food tabus are imposed on women (is this a kosher that became selective for women). Yet with this clear and distinct separation of the sexes there is manifested, on the occasion notably of village agricultural festivals, a recognition of the share taken by women in the communal life.
The women in some cases put aside on marriage the ornaments which as girls it was their privilege to wear or the style of ornaments worn before marriage differs from that allowed to matrons, and so far as women are concerned the style of coiffure is invariably a mark of status.
At Maram and its subject villages where pork is forbidden, so that it is usually correct to infer that a Naga who eats pork is not a Maram man.
All through this part of the hills we find a rough test in use in the rule which forbids a man to marry a woman whose speech proves her not to be of his tribe (as in the Old Testament to discover if an individual was Ephraimite or Manassehite they found it out by the accent at pronouncing shibboleth. Interestingly the Israelites' offspring in the area, the Chinkukis, come mostly from Manassah).
The Lushei form only a small portion of the Lushais.
Is Kharasom an evolved form of Khorasan, an area which the Israelites inhabited?
The Huining people refuse to marry with girls from Kharasom on the score of the unintelligibility of their tongue. A small marriage group was mentioned to me at Phunggam, where it was alleged that, as a matter of fact, they rarely went beyond the neighbouring villages of Powi, Nunghar, Nungbi, and Huining for their wives.
Among the Mao Nagas the linguistic grouping affords no distinction between the Mao and the Maikel divisions, but they declare that they do not understand the dialects of Maram and Oinam.
The law of exogamy (only interclannic exogammy, but intertribal endogammy as in ancient Israel) prevails throughout this area in respect of the clans composing the villages.
Subject to the reservation that in actual practice the distinction of tribes rests on linguistic differences, not on any genna ordinance, the tribe is an endogamous group.
Among the Chirus is apparently necessary for the bridegroom to work for his father-in-law as well as to pay him something as a price (as Jacob did work for Rachel).
Jacob's Ladder Heaven
"Slavery", as it was in the hills, is described as mild domestic service.
The wife cannot return to her parental home as long as there are any near male relatives of her husband remaining" (as in the story of Ruth & Boaz).
I have heard them more often express their wish to return to their native village or land, as being the grave of their ancestors, than to it being their own birthplace (Israelites felt so attached to the Holy Land that wanted to be buried there even if they were not living there as in the case of Joseph's corpse taken from Egypt to be buried in Eretz Israel.
In the case of a woman dying in childbirth the grave is dug by her male relations or else by her husband's relations inside the house.
In the Mao, Maram and Kabul groups polygamy is very rare and is not encouraged by public opinion. I have heard of instances among the Quoirengs where the two wives lived in the same house and got on well together.
There is apparently no restriction upon the remarriage of widowers, except that they are liable to the same exogamic necessity as when they first married.
They sometimes marry their deceased husband's younger brother (levirate marriage as in old Israel). Much the same rule is in force among the Mao and Maram groups, in the latter of which we find an instructive regulation to the effect that a widow may remain in her husband's house and be entitled to maintenance. If she separates, she is at liberty to please herself and to keep herself.
At Yang we begin to come upon compulsory marriage with the deceased husband's brothers, for they there preserve the tradition that in early times this regulation was in force among them (as in ancient Israel). They claim to be descended from Kukis. This custom is found among some Quoireng villages. This obligation is in force among the Kabuis.
Among the Marrings it is permissive, not compulsory. This done among many of the tribes which have been subject to Kuki influence, or which are of Kuki stock. If in cases where such marriages are compulsory, the younger brother refuses to marry the widow, he has to pay a fine. If the woman refuses to marry her husband's brother, her price is refunded, and she is returned to her people.
In some groups humanity permits children born to an ostensibly unmarried girl a chance of life dependent on the acknowledgment by the man of his paternity. In other groups, as at Mao, such children are abandoned without further discussion. A feature of the birth ceremonies among the Tangkhuls is that the first food taken by the newly born infant is some rice, which the father first chews, an act which seems to constitute an acknowledgment of his paternity and duty towards it.
The Mao people punish the girls, who used in one village to be put to death, while the Marrings punish the man.
Should the widow not be willing to be taken by her deceased husband's brother, and her parents agree with her, her price doubled must be returned to the brother." It is interesting to observe that the price doubled has to be paid in cases of adultery when the adulterer escapes the vengeance of the
husband."
Divorce is of rare occurrence, and among the Tangkhuls is given only on the fault of either party. At Mao and Jessami, in the Mao group, women occasionally divorced themselves and that in such cases the children, if and when weaned, went to the custody of the father.
Adultery is a cause of divorce among the Kabuis, who also allow divorces on such grounds as proved incompatibility of temper, or serious ill-treatment of the woman by the husband, or on her demand. In these cases, if the man is in fault or demands the divorce, the price is not returned, while it is repaid to the husband when the woman is in fault or demands the divorce.
In the event of either married party wishing a divorce, the rule is that, should the consent be mutual, there is no difficulty to separate. If the wish for a separation comes from the woman, and the husband is agreeable, her price is to be returned; but if the man wishes to send away his wife, which he may do with or without her consent, then he is not entitled to it.
Among the Marrings divorce is given only on proof of some fault, and "even then a heavy fine is levied in the shape of feasting and drinking". The Chirus do not seem to allow divorce.
The rules relating to the return of the price are also in force among the Quoirengs, who admit barrenness as a ground for divorce, and in other cases give the children to the father.!
In cases where permanent villages subsist by means of jhums, the rights of ownership are recognised in the jhums which are cultivated in a strict rotation.
Among there's a common practice of placing in the grave a number of articles which are destined or believed to be destined to be of advantage to the deceased hereafter, or which have been specially associated with and appropriated to the deceased during his lifetime (this was a practice common in Egypt & Israelites accepted many Egyptian practices, even if the practices were pagan).
The office of khullakpa or gennabura or head man is essentially representative and magico-religious. It is therefore invested with special tabus can only be held by an adult male in full health both of mind and of body.
From it are excluded persons who are mentally below the average and all who are blemished by any physical deformity. As with ordinary succession to office generally accrues on the death of the occupant; but among the Tangkhuls, the custom above described is held to apply to village office, and in other groups succession is common when the khullakpa becomes old and worn out, so that the Tangkhul custom, if not due to the desire to secure for the office a man in the plenitude of his power, physical and mental, and to secure immediate continuity in the occupation of the office.
The private householder is as regards the house-spirits a priest in his house and liable to tabus which are similar in nature, effect, and presumably in intent to those protecting and insulating the khullakpa. On the custom of primogeniture we find at Puruni, the old Kuki village, a custom by which the occupants of village offices move up in regular succession. This custom provides a succession of experienced persons and has been stated to be the custom regulating the succession to the throne of Manipur.
Among the Kabuis and Quoirengs the office of khullakpa seems to have lost much of its authority in religious matters. Elders perform many of the religious duties of the khullakpa, but the office exists and is still hereditary. The Kabuis especially have been exposed to Manipuri influence, and have come into close contact with Kukis among whom the hieratic functions of the chief are almost entirely atrophied.
While primogeniture is the most widely accepted rule of succession. Among the Tangkhuls in cases where the father dies before the marriage of a son, the general rule in many villages is that the eldest son gets a double share of the immovable property while the other sons get a single share each. The movables are then divided in equal shares, but this is by no means universal. In some villages, again, the estate of the eldest is distinctly burdened with the duty of maintaining his younger brothers.
Women do not succeed to immovable property. In default of sons, the immovable property goes to the brothers of the deceased, and the movable property is distributed among the women.
At Maikel the eldest son gets the house and the others divide the fields.
Murder within the clan is rare. The murder of a member of another clan or village would occasion a feud which would only be ended with the slaughter of a member of the murderer's clan or village, and it is known that some of the worst village feuds have originated in this manner. Accidental homicide is punished among the Tangkhuls by fine, amounting to six cows. At Jessami in the Mao group the offender has to make a short sojourn away from his house, but not necessarily outside the village; while at Liyai he is banished from the village (is this an evolved tradition to the running away to the cities of refuge of ancient Israel?).
At Mao his punishment is seven years' banishment from the village and a fine of five cows. At Maikel banishment for one year and a fine of five cows, while murder ensuing in the heat of passion in a quarrel is punished with seven years' banishment and a fine of ten cows. The Mayang Khong people exact only a fine of one cow in cases of accidental homicide. At Maram the punishment consists of banishment for one year and a fine of six cows.
Among the Kabuis a heavy fine is levied from the culprit. Both the Chirus and the Marrings impose a heavy fine in such cases. Minor assaults are punished when circumstances permit by the use of the simple law of revenge (similar to an eye for an eye).
Adultery was commonly punished so far as the male offender was concerned with death. Five cows are in some instances required for the husband and one for the village.
At Jessami the woman surrendered all she owned to her husband, who also received a fine from the lover. At Laiyi, also a village of the Mao Group, the fine is only one cow, while at Liyai, close by, the adulterer is driven out and his property seized by the injured husband, a similar punishment being
inflicted on the man at Mao, where the woman was also liable to have her nose clipped or slit with a spear. At Maikel also the woman is punished as well as the man, who loses all his property.
The Quoirengs drive the adulterer from the village, but the customs of the Kabuis in this regard have apparently undergone some amelioration since the days of Colonel McCulloch "The adulterer if he did not fly the village, would be killed; aware of the penalty attached to his offence he dare not stay and is glad to leave his house to be destroyed by the injured husband. The family of the adulteress is obliged to refund the price in the first instance paid to them by her husband, and also to pay her debts. Why these expenses are not made to fall upon the adulterer, they cannot explain".
Information collected in two large villages, as Kabui villages now go, is that only a fine is imposed, and that not by any means a large one, but that, as is the case in every village, the woman is divorced from her husband, to whom her price is returned by her family. The Chirus mete out the same lenient treatment in cases of adultery, while the Marrings inflict a heavy fine.
To turn to offences against property we find among the Tangkhuls that theft was once punished with death if the offender Avere was caught flagrante delicto. Nowadays a fine is inflicted. At Jessami (Mao Group) twelve potes of dhan must be paid by the thief as well as the restoration of the property taken.
At Maram we find the same nice discrimination, as theft from a house is punished with a fine of ten rupees while the theft of paddy from a field involves the culprit in a fine of ten potes of dhan. If the things stolen are found they are taken back, if not, it might be dangerous to accuse a man of theft.
In civil debt, interest runs after the expiry of one year, when the debt is reckoned as double. Theft, if the thief should happen to be a married man, is punished severely, but a young unmarried man might with impunity steal grain not yet housed, whilst theft from a granary. A married man therefore must be regarded as having a different status from that of the bachelor (as in ancient Israel)
The mere sight of the destruction by fire of a neighbouring village is enough to cause a village genna.
We find among the people of Mao that in cases in which rights to land or its produce are in dispute the oath on the earth is usual.
The weight of an oath is augmented by increasing its range so as to include all the members of the village in the imprecation, while it is forbidden to near relations to swear in any case between them
(Mao Group).
The weightiest oath is that which concludes with the imprecation, "If I lie, may I and my family (or clansmen or co-villagers) descend into the earth and be seen no more". At Naimu I noticed a heap of peculiarly shaped stones inside the village upon which the Tangkhuls took an oath of great weight.
Others swear by the Deity Kamyou, while oaths on a dao or tiger's teeth are common.
Karnyou is associated at Powi with a stone in a sacred grove (like those of the Israelites), and at Phimggam near Powi, Kamyou was the eldest of the three sons of a nameless Deity. To Kamyou men address prayers and sacrifice.
At Jessami the penalty attaching to perjury when the oath on the spear is used is a violent death (perjury was an awful sin in ancient Israel too). The oath, ordeal, or arbitrament of the cat, which is used both in the Mao Group and by Maram, is thus effected.
A representative of each of the litigant parties holds an end of a cane basket inside which a cat, alive, is placed, and at a signal a third man hacks the cat in two and both sides then cut it up with their daos, taking care to stain the weapon with blood.
The ceremony was a form of peacemaking or treaty, and that therefore the slaughter of the cat bound them in a kind of covenant. There is also an oath upon a creeper which is believed to die when cut, and the man taking the oath cuts the creeper saying, "May I die as this creeper dies if I lie".
In another Kabui village they offered to swear by Kajing Karei, which I pointed out to them was not one of their oaths. They agreed, and explained that it was a Manipuri oath, which is a mistake, for it comes from the Tangkhuls.
The oath consisted of taking some salt, some ashes, and some paddy husks, with the following imprecation: May we find our salt become as these ashes (mixing at the same time a pinch of ashes with the salt), may all our rice turn to husk, and may we ourselves perish like the husks, the spoilt salt, things that are only fit to be thrown to the winds, if we lie" (Jesus Christ also compairs Christians wit the salt).
The Chirus swear by the sun and on the dao, tiger's tooth, and spear. In each village there is a circle of stones, inside of which are a few stones upon Avhich an oath may also be taken.
Head-hunting is associated with the blood feud, where the duty of vengeance remains unsated until the tally of heads is numerically equal (an eye for an eye).
In Tangkhul villages are heaps of stones, — places of great sanctity, — An oath taken on these stones is regarded as most binding.
In life the Kuki chief is conspicuously the secular head of his village.
Abraham's sacrifice
The Quoireng Nagas used to take heads because the possession of a head brought wealth and prosperity to the village.
The Kukis still consult the bones of their dead chiefs and the skulls and horns of the trophies of the chase form not the least important of the decorations of the graves of the dead. Earlier authorities declare that no young man could find a wife for himself until he had taken a head and thereby won the right of the warrior's kilt, or of the necklace of bears' tusks and the wristlets of cowries success on a head-hunting raid would fairly serve as a mark of manhood and as qualifying for promotion from one stage in tribal life to the higher stage of married man.
I do not think it possible to reduce head-hunting to a single formula. I have found it connected with simple blood feud, with agrarian rites, and with funerary rites, and eschatological belief. Again it may be in some cases no more than a social duty.
The Kuki-Chin languages' influence has been considerable in this area.
It is safe to extend to the Nagas what I have in another place found to be true of the Kukis, whoso language I knew, that this feature of their material life is reflected in their language, for they have a separate name for articles and actions which we classify together. They insist on the points of difference, while we classify by identities.
Strange-shaped stones were often pointed out as "lai-pham", places where a Lai or Deity was wont to dwell (is Lai a deformed name for eLOhIm?).
Meithei and Naga alike declared that my galvanic battery was a "lai-upn" a divine box.- The Thados have borrowed from the Meithei the word laili (or in Meithei, lairik = lai + rik = likh = to write) as if they thought a written document possessed a divine potency (the scriptures are divinely revealed & have a divine potency too).
Nagas like Jews are very attached to their deceased.
There were two deities, Uri (Uri is a Jewish name) and Ura, who had four arms and four legs each. No one had ever seen a Lai (as none had seen God except Moses). (Perhaps Ura & Uri are related to Ur, Abraham's original land).
A common feature of the beliefs held by these tribes is that the creation of the world is ascribed to the deity who causes earthquakes. Among the Tangkhuls and Mao Nagas it is believed that the world was once a waste of water with neither hills, nor trees, and that the deity imprisoned below made such huge efforts to escape that hills emerged.
Some of the Mao Naga villagers add the belief that the sky is the male principle and the earth the female. The Kowpoee believes in one Supreme Deity, whose nature is benevolent. This deity is the creator of all things. Man, they say, was created by another god, named Dumpa-poee, by the orders of the Supreme Deity, but they can give no account of the nature of the creation.
The belief in a divine Demiurge who, in creating the world and sending forth the race of mankind to dwell thereon, acts not of his own volition, but by the command of a Supreme Deity, is found elsewhere in this area.
At Mao they believe in a future state. Man has power of the same order as that of deities, but less in degree. Yet there are forces which are so far greater than the power of man, unaccountable forces, operating, as it would appear, not with any regularity, but suddenly, unexpectedly, forces of destruction.
The successful rain-maker is deified (any relation with the Amerindian rain dance?). Earthquakes in these latter days are forces of immense destructivity. The thunder and lightning, accompaniments of the bursting rain reveal them as due to personages who are, if not men deified, deities anthropomorphised.
In their belief, dreams and omens afford an unerring presage of the future (as in the Old Testament we saw in Joseph's dreams & other occasions).
They attach to the dream precisely the same significance as to the actual event. Does this mean that their dreams are as substantial and possess the same measure of reality as the facts of their waking vision? If this conclusion were legitimate on these facts, the dream life would have a continuity with the waking life, and possess a specific "reality" for them.
To be attacked in a dream by a cow or buffalo is universally held to be a sign of bad luck and sickness. To be bitten by a snake is an omen of very evil portent. To wash the person is indicative of very good luck and prosperity. To build a house is a token of death, for, as the Kukis say, it means that they must set about building a house in heaven, but at Liyang, Lengpra, and Aqui it prophesies good luck in hunting.
To see a crow means trouble and scarcity, except at Liyang, where it means good health. To see a pig
means bad luck (Pigs have often bad connotation like for the Jews. Pharaoh's butler had a dream about a crow that meant his death).
To dream of an earthquake means death, poverty, or scarcity in all cases. To dream of winning a race means success in life. To dream that a dog bites one is very unfortunate and forbodes sickness, for, as the Aqui people told me, it is a dream of a witch (as in olden Israel they disliked witches).
Among the lucky dreams none is more welcomed than that of climbing a tree.
To climb a hill is fortunate, while to go down hill is a warning of death. To see a buffalo is universally a sign of bad luck.
Animals which are used in certain sacrifices, as those for sickness, are unlucky. Success in the dream portends success in waking life.
In the Meitheis a case is mentioned where so-called legislation was effected as the result of a dream, and in the story of the prohibition of pork to the people of Maram the ordinance was revealed to the ancestor of the village in a dream (was this ancestor reminding them of the food prohibitions of the Torah?).
Throughout this area we find that at all the crises of domestic and communal life omens are taken in order to determine the issue of the future. Egg-breaking, as among the Cossiah tribes, is also practised.
The Kabuis erect a pole with a bundle of grass at the top in front of the house of the fortunate man who has had the best crop in the year, and the Kukis also put grass and boughs in front of any house in which rice is stored. In all these cases the evil spirits are frightened off by the grass and herbs. A similar purpose is served by the cage which is so often seen outside a Naga house.
Mysterious sicknesses, the sudden appearance of boils, blindness, loss of speech, premature greyness, are regarded as certainly as probable consequences of breaches of the genna prohibitions. Since their attachment to the genna rules is morality of a kind, this belief contains the rudiments of the idea that physical suffering and sickness are due to sin — to breaches of what is "tribal law".
Among the Kabuis the maibas declare the lai who is causing the sickness, and thus decide upon an appropriate sacrifice. To medicine they do not look for a cure of disease, but to sacrifices offered as directed by their priests.
At Mao and in some Quoireng villages the khullakpa lets a cock go free outside the village, presumably a sort of scapegoat. We find among the Kabuis beliefs associating the python with sickness. They kill it and worship it when dead. After killing it they are genna for three days. All men capable of field work are collected at the village gate, and then shout " We are all here". The Kukis also hold that merely to see a python is a source of misfortune (as when the Israelites encountered the fiery serpents).
Colonel Shakespear holds the view that the Lairen (Meithei) is identical with the Rulpui of Lushei belief, which is undoubtedly not a python, but a mythical form of snake (like the mythical snake of the Bible called Leviathan).
I think that the erection of stones has a closer connection with the rudiments of ancestor worship than is often suspected (like at Stonehenge).
Among the Tangkhuls and other tribes we have the legend of the angry deity who brandishes his dao and stamps in anger on the ground, thus causing the lightning and the thunder (like Thor with his hammer).
Among the Tangkhuls we find that the deity Kamyou, the eldest son of the Creator of all things, is worshipped by man. He is armed with a big stick, and does judgment upon evil doers, and appeals are made to him because sickness is held to be the result of evil acts.
The "celebrant" acts in a representative capacity. Certain animal is definitely forbidden when a sacrifice is made to a great snake as the deity to whom sickness is attributable (the wicked Israelites started snake worship). In the case of domestic sacrifices the sacrifice takes place inside the house, and is consumed there. In cases where a sacrifice is made on behalf of anyone in sickness, the animal sacrificed is not given to him to eat.
The sacrifice of a buffalo or cow seems to be incidental to a rite of worship of a deity (as the Hindus, the Israelites started cow worship or calf worship in the wilderness). Fowls are offered as sacrifices to the House spirit, and to the sun and moon (Israelites also worshipped the sun & in sum became polytheists). In the case of the village genna as practised at Mao, the cock is not killed, but let go, probably as a scapegoat rather than as a sacrifice.
Both Colonel McCalloch and Dr. Brown identify the village priest with the maiba, who is doctor and magician in one. Inquiries show that the khullakpa is the village priest, and that the head of the household is the priest in all purely domestic worship. In many respects it is easy to distinguish the maiba from the khullakpa. The maiba is generally not an hereditary officer, while, the succession to the khullakpaship is hereditary.
The maiba cannot order a village genna. He interprets dreams and omens. The khullakpa, however, plays the leading part on all occasions when a village genna is held. He acts whenever a rite is performed which requires the whole force of the community behind it.
The maiba owes his position to his own individual talents. There is a fundamental difference between the maiba and the village priest.
The Kabuis bury the navel cord under the stone hearth inside the house. In some cases an old woman of the village helps the birth but in other villages the father acts as midwife. In any case all in the house are genua, secluded from the rest of the village.
Five days after the birth of a child it is named with various ceremonies: names are not given at random but are compounds of the father's and grandfather's names, or those of other near relations" (as in the birth of John the Baptist we can see that Jews then didn't usually name their children unless a relative had the name too). Omens are taken in order to select the most favourable compound, for the name exerts a profound influence over the life of the individual (Jews also believe in the influence of the name on the individual). In the Old Kuki village, Sadu Koireng, in the southern portion of the Manipur Valley, this method of nomenclature is practised. The child receives the name of his maternal grandfather. Differences of coiffure mark the different stages of social maturity.
The religious aspect of the ceremonies of marriage is enhanced by the custom of taking omens as to the day on which the marriage should take place, for marriage is the severance of the woman from her clan and the consequent accession to the man's clan and household of a member by birth of another clan (in tribal Israel the woman also belonged to her husband's tribe as seen in the diminished Benjamites' story).
Songs are sung, but among the Tangkhuls it is expressly forbidden to sing war-songs. The employment of a go-between is common, and if it is due to the avoidance which is necessary between engaged persons, it may be connected with the genna which prohibits intercourse between the newly married couple for the first few days of their wedded life. This prohibition does not operate in the case of the re-marriage of widows, a fact which suggests that the genna is in part due to the fear so often observed of entering into strange relationships for the first time.
All these tribes bury their dead. Tree-burial is a common practice in the suroundings & it was practiced by the Israelites. Of the Kabuis Colonel McCulloch remarked that "The village and its immediate precincts form their graveyard and when for a time, from whatever cause, they have been obliged to desert their village, I have heard them more often express their wish to return to it as being the grave of their ancestors than as being their own birthplace" (in the same way Joseph & the other Israelite patriarchs were buried in their land).
But not all the dead are buried inside the village or in the usual burying place. In the first place the children of tender years who die before they are weaned are often not buried in the ordinary grave but close to the house. In the second place, those that die outside the village must as a general rule be buried outside the village, though there is either a ceremonial burial in the usual place or the burial of some part of the remains or belongings of the deceased.
At Uilong a man killed in war is buried outside the village on the side of the village opposite to that on which live the enemies who inflict the fatal wound. Among the Quoirengs and Kabuis a woman who dies in childbirth is buried inside the house. The Quoirengs in such cases bury all the moveable articles and utensils in the house, while the Kabuis abandon the house and its contents completely.
On opening this family grave the bones are collected, cleaned with water, and then wrapped in a large cloth, new or old, and put on one side of the grave (as in in Madagascar do). Burial takes place, as a rule, on the day following death except in the cases where children die or where death occurs before sunrise (the Jews also bury people quickly).
In the graves are placed various articles for the use and comfort of the deceased in the world hereafter (an Egyptian costum taken by pagan Jews?). The Tangkhuls bury two old cloths with a man for his own use and a new cloth as a present for the Deity of Heaven.
All the relations now gather round and make great lamentation (like the arabs). Around a fire the family sit and wait for any sign in the fire-place, such as the print of a foot, to see if there are any more deaths to be expected.
After the harvest in December has been gathered in, and all instruments in connection with the same have been put on one side, in the evening the rich kill a cow, the rest pigs and dogs, and for those whose children have died, eggs are boiled.
All friends who come forward to help in erecting the ' wonyai thing ' are counted, and to them a liberal supply of meat and beer is distributed. They then go off and bring in the wood and rope necessary to erect this structure. It is a lightly made structure, built outside the door of each deceased's house, and is shaped like a shield with a sort of small platform in front, on which the following day are placed various articles, such as Indian corn, roots, pumpkins, etc.
The "Kathi Kashdm" Feast takes place about the end of January of each year. The first thing for each family to do is to procure their buffaloes, cows, pigs, and dogs. After they have procured these from near and far, the headmen of the village give orders for the beer, weak and strong, to be prepared for fermentation, and they also, after a palaver, decide what day the feast shall commence. It is a ten-day feast.
Both males and females join together in getting in a plentiful supply of wood ; and as there is much entertaining during this feast, and all night singing and dancing performed, there is need of plenty of fires, it being the coldest part of the year. The representative of the dead finds his first occupation on this day by collecting "khamuina", a kind of broad plantain leaf used for the unleavened bread (the Jews also use unlevened bread for certain festivities) made the next day.
Unleavened bread is made into small cakes, cut up into small pieces, cooked and offered to "kameo" and then distributed with a small cake of bread wrapped in the "khamuina" leaves amongst the mourners in each section of the village. On this day also cloths of all kinds and qualities are attached to long poles and erected outside each house of the dead. The more cloths displayed the greater one is thought of .
The Seventh day is the day when the real excitement commences (because it was the Sabbath?). Friends and relations from villages around come in during the afternoon, and at sunset. Before their arrival the females only give an offering to "kameo" in the shape of a sandwich of unleavened bread (they eat unleavened bread like the Jews on the 7th day).
The spirits after entering the torches are declared to wend their way during the evening towards the hills on the north, and finally disappear to find themselves crossing the river.
At death something leaves the body. That something is often regarded as a winged insect of some kind, now a butterfly, now a bee.
The "ghost" of the deceased is regarded as an exact image of the deceased as he was at the moment of death, with scars, tattoo marks, mutilations, and all — and as able to enjoy and to need food and other sustenance.
The Tangkhuls say that their dead go to a heaven by a path over the crest of Sirohifurar. This is the realm of the Deity. The king of Kazairam, what we might call the place of departed spirits, is named Kokto. He is supposed to live in a grand mansion, with sentries guarding all sides.
Kokto judges them all, and, after appropriating for himself all the best cloths brought along, he sentences the thieves to go by the road to the left where there are worms and everything dreadful, and the honest spirit turns off to the right, and follows a road which can only be described as clean.
At Jessami I was told that the good go to a Heaven above but the bad are consigned to an abode beneath the earth. There is also said to be a nice place inside the earth to which the dead go, but I do not know whether it was A place of lasting abode or a temporary sojourn. At Maram the Heaven lies in the west (like their loved Holy Land?) and it too is divided into many compartments. Of the Kabuis we have the statement that "After death the souls descend to an underground world where they are met by their ancestors, who introduce them into their new habitation; the life they lead in this underground world is an exact counterpart of what they have led in this.
Heaven is in fact regarded down to the minutest details as an exact replica of this "material" world. Maram is said to have had its origin from immigrants from the west and their Heaven is in the west (Israel?).
Sin consists primarily of breaches of the unwritten laws of society. What gives validity to these unwritten laws is the fear that something may happen if they are broken. This terrible death of a tribesman, has happened. Why did it happen? What more logical than the answer that it happened because a sin has been committed? (in the same way in the New testament Jesus heals people & the ones around wonder who sinned, the parents or the individual of the person that He healed?).
The term "genua" means simply forbidden or prohibited. It is therefore applied in its primary sense to the mass of prohibitions, permanent and temporary, periodic and occasional, which form so important a part of the tribal law of these societies. All the rites and festivals observed by social units in this area are characterised by a prohibition of the normal relations with other social units.
"The word genna may mean practically a holiday — i.e. a man will say, ' My village is doing genna today,' by which he means that, owing either to the occurrence of a village festival or some such unusual occurrence…his people are observing a holiday; genna means anything forbidden".
Namoongba is a periodical closing of individual villages. This custom does not take place with any regularity, and its object is some kind of worship. One of the occasions is just before the jungle which has been cut down on their jhooms is fired: this lasts two days, and the villagers are said to fast during that period: the village remains shut up during the two days, and no one is allowed either entry or exit, and it is also affirmed that anyone attempting to force an entrance during this period would be liable to be killed.
On other occasions the proceedings are of a joyous nature and may take place after a successful hunt, a warlike expedition, a successful harvest, or other striking event: on these occasions feasting and drinking is the order of the day. "Gennas sometimes affect whole villages, sometimes only chiefs or single households".
The penalty attaching to a breach of either of these regulations falls rather on the actual offender, though it might be fairly described as a social sanction because there is always the fear of some calamity happening in their midst as the result of disregard of any one of these ordinances.
The village is an economic unit, so that all the ritual observed for the cultivation of the staple, rice, necessitates the expenditure of communal energy in the form of village gennas.
There are village gennas connected with the first fruits.
At all these village gennas the ordinary routine of life is profoundly modified if not broken off altogether. There are special gennas imposed on these occasions which require abstinence from certain kinds of food.
The ill effects of an interruption of a village genna are sometimes irremediable, while in other cases a repetition of the genna is adequate to prevent all harmful consequences. At all the village gennas the gates are shut when the genna begins so that the stranger that is within the gates may not go forth and the friend that is without must stay outside (this resembles the day of the death of the first begotten of the Egyptians when the Israelites stayed at home waiting for the destroying angel).
Among all these tribes from the day of the first crop genna to the final harvest home all other forms of industry and activity are forbidden.
All hunting, fishing, tree and grass-cutting, all weaving, pot making, salt working, games of all kinds, bugling, dancing, all trades are strictly forbidden — are "genna".
The Kachin and Chingpaw customs are very similar to those of the Nagas. At Mao I learnt that they worshipped the Sun as a good deity and sacrificed a white cock to him.
At Maram we have six gennas for the crops and one for the game. The two additional crop gennas are held one when the rice begins to show through the ground, before transplantation, and the second in connection with the growth of the ginger root. Their form of rain ceremony is to descend to the river, the Barak, and there to fill vessels (bamboo chungas) with water, which they empty over their fields and pray for rain.
The Reengnai, in or about January lasts for three days.
The last genna of all is named Pumthummai, which lasts for one day, and celebrates the end of the harvest. The cultivation omens are taken by two elders who wash their bodies very carefully and put on new clothes that day. The rotation of cultivation is fixed and known beforehand.
The Chirus have six crop festivals, one of which, that before the crops are cut, is marked by a rope-pulling ceremony of the same nature as that observed among the Tangkhuls. In order to get rain, they catch a crab in a neighbouring river, put it in a pot with water, having fastened a thread to one of its claws, and then keep on lifting it out and letting it fall back into the pot.
At Jessami one of the regular village gennas has for its purpose the prevention of sickness throughout the year. A party of young men is sent out to catch a bird, and if they are so fortunate as to bring back to the village a fine big bird such as a toucan (or hornbill), it is an unerring omen that there will be no sickness in the coming year.
This genua lasts for eight days. The Kabuis observe a genna in January in order to protect themselves specially from hurt by bamboos. It lasts for one day, and on it the young men are forbidden to drink outside their houses.
The clan is important, sociologically, as the marriage unit for marriage of members of the same clan is strictly forbidden. Were this rule to be broken, some dreadful calamity beyond description would happen to the village.
Household gennas are occasioned by events such as the birth of children.
Among the Tangkhuls the husband may not go out of the village or do any work after the birth of a child for six days if the child be a boy or for five days when the child is a girl. So also strangers are forbidden to enter his house during this period lest harm should come to the child. If a woman comes in to act as midwife, she too is genna. At Sandang one of the cloth-weaving villages the period of restriction lasts for one day only and we have the interesting information that the father may not touch any one for fear of harm coming to the newly born infant.
The head of the household is the person who performs the rites incidental to the worship of the house spirit and the sacrifice of a fowl which is part of the genua is made by him. Now the birth genua includes the ceremony of naming the child which takes place on the last day of the birth genua and for the purposes of which the sacrifice of a fowl is necessary as the name is determined by omens.
In the Mao group both parents are genua and at Jessami this lasts five days, while at Laiyi Liyai and Maikel it lasts for fifteen days at least in the case of all except the eldest child, when it is, or was, prolonged to thirty days. At Mao the genna for the first child is ten days and for the others five days.
A cock is sacrificed for a boy and a hen for a girl, but whether the taking of omens is the main or a secondary purpose is not clear.
At Maram they say that at one time this genna lasted for one month but is now observed for ten days only, during which neither parent may touch any other person nor may the woman eat any food except fish and salt. A fowl is sacrificed on the day of birth.
At Liyang a village which I know is not a pure Quoireng village, the birth genna lasts for one month, during which the only food permitted to the parents is fish and fowl, meat of any other kind being most strictly forbidden.
At Lemta and Maolong the fowl which is killed on the birth of a child may not be eaten by the father, who, at Taron, is kept without any food that day. The flesh of fowls is not regarded as meat. The Kabuis appear to have a birth genna for the first child and do not allow the father to eat, drink, or smoke that day. The Koms prolong the genna to one month for the birth of a son and for the birth of a daughter regard five days as sufficient for the father, who may do no work during the genna, and may not go far from the village, while exacting a month from the mother. The Chirus are genna for one month.
"There are many prohibitions in regard to the food. KhuUakpas are entitled, perhaps required, to wear special cloths, the use of which is forbidden to all others except those who erect a stone monument. Before setting forth to select a stone, the household of the " lung-chingba " are not allowed any food except zu and ginger. Marital intercourse is strictly prohibited the night immediately preceding the day on which they choose the stone.
On the day the stone is brought inside the village, the villagers may not use their drinking cups, but have to drink from leaves.
On the occasion of the first crop genna, pigs are forbidden. In the Maram group we have the general prohibition of pork.
Young unmarried girls are not allowed to eat the flesh of male goats, and in one village which is not far from the influence of Maram, women are not allowed to eat pork.
The first fruits are "genua" until rendered available for general use, by the action of the khullakpa. There are thus gennas affecting the various social units, the tribe, the village the clan, and the household. There are gennas based on the classification of society by age and sex and social duties.
Stone monuments consist of (1) monoliths are found either singly or arranged symmetrically in rows, avenues, circles or ovals; (2) cairns or heaps of stones; (3) single smaller stones; and (4) the flat stones near Maram, supported on smaller stones.
Monoliths abound in this area, but the simmetrical arrangements of monoliths are found. at Maram and the village Uilong and in the Marring area. Outside the once large and prosperous village of Maram there is an avenue of stones, nearly all of which are still standing, and inside the village one can see the remains of, or parts of, a circle of stones.
One particular monolith in the avenue is associated with hunting luck, and before a hunting party goes forth, they go down to the stone and endeavour to kick a pebble on top of it. If they succeed in this, their venture will be successful. At Uilong there is a very remarkable collection of stones.
The unmarried men dance and wrestle inside the large circle on the village genna for the annual festival of the dead.
The fateful i day the maiba pours zu on the stone, "utters many mantras", and lets loose a fowl, in order that there may be no difficulty in i getting the stone into its appointed place. The villagers drag the stone up by sledges like those used by the Manipuris, attaching to them ropes made of the creeper.
Cairns and heaps of stones are found among the Tangkhuls and Quoirengs, who build them in a beehive or conical shape. Some of these beehive cairns are to be seen in the Kaithenmanbi plain close to the cart-road. These stones are all regarded as laipham, places where a lai dwells.
The heaps of stones in the Tangkhul villages and the rings of stones in the Marring villages are holy, so holy that no one dare swear falsely on them. Similar sanctity attaches to a meteor stone in a Kabui village. Good luck in war is associated with the Tangkhul cairns and with single stones such as those kept by the khullakpas at Mao and Maikel. That at Maikel is a mass of conglomerate and is always hidden inside the khullakpa's house.
Dr. Brown mentions the erection by the Kabuis of upright or flat stones as marking the grave, and the only case I have known of the erection of a stone monument took place after the death of the man's father, so that the motive of honouring the dead and of exhibiting piety operates among them to the present day.
God's head is very big, and he has a beard (man was created on the image of God. This God is bearded whereas the Naga people aren't. Where the ancestors of the Nagas bearded Israelites?). His wife once asked him why he killed young people as well as old. He replied, "men cut chillies both unripe and ripe, and after their example I catch both young men and old men".
When a man who has killed an enemy dies, he is given spears and a dao, because he will have to fight again in the path of death. They also give him a spade and an axe to cultivate land in the nether-world.
We can after death reach the holy feet of God in Heaven, if we do not commit any sin and pass our lives honestly in this world; but those who commit theft and do many other sinful actions such as telling lies, cheating others, etc... are all sent to hell.
The ring is worn on the penis, the foreskin being pulled through tightly. The ring is made of bone or bamboo, occasionally of cane ribbon, and is an eighth of an inch to a quarter of an inch wide (is this an evolved form of circumcision?). This "mutilation" is undoubtedly an initiation rite.
Does totemism exist in Manipur in any of its many stages of development or decay? The objects which are ndmungha to the Meithei clans may be provisionally called totems. Among the surrounding cognate clans there are no signs of totemism, but there are some reasons for thinking the Manipuri ' Yek ' is a totemistic division. That there are tabus affecting social units both among the Meitheis and the Nagas is a fact.
Naga Culture, Traditional Religion and Christianity in Nagalim
The word Naga is an exonym. Before the arrival of the British, the term "Naga" had been used in Assam to refer to certain isolated tribes. The British adopted this term for a number of tribes in the surrounding area, based on loose linguistic and cultural associations. Some tribes, such as some of the smaller "Old Kuki" tribes have attempted to get absorbed into the Naga identity to increase their political profile.
The Ethnologue uses the term "Naga" to describe 34 languages in the Kuki-Chin-Naga family. The Kuki of Nagaland have been classified as "Naga" in the past, but today are generally considered a non-Naga tribe.
The Nagas consist of about forty ethnic groups, numbering approximately two & a half million people. Their homeland, known as the Naga Hills during the British colonization, is bordered by India in the southwest, China in the north and Myanmar in the east. Politically Nagas live in a number of colonially segmented regions within India and Myanmar. The Nagas in India alone live in four different states: Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur and Nagaland. In Myanmar they inhabit the provinces of Sagiang and Kachin.
As of 2012, the state of Nagaland officially recognises 17 Naga tribes. In addition, some other Naga tribes occupy territory in the contiguous adjoining states of Manipur, Assam, and Arunachal Pradesh, India; and across the border in Burma. Prominent Naga tribes include Angami, Ao, Chakhesang, Chang, Khiamniungan, Konyak, Liangmai, Lotha, Pochury, Rongmei, Zeme...
The Naga speak various distinct Tibeto-Burman languages specifically from the Kuki-Chin-Naga geographic clustering of languages including Lotha, Angami, Pochuri, Ao, Poula (Poumai Naga), Inpui, Rongmei (Ruangmei), Tangkhul, Thangal, Maram, and Zeme. In addition, they have developed Nagamese Creole, which they use between tribes and villages, which each have their own dialect of language. Other languages spoken by the Nagas are English, Hindi.
Naga people speak over 36 different languages and dialects, mostly unintelligible with each other. Naga languages can be grouped into Western, Central and Eastern Naga groups. The Western group includes among others Angami, Chokri, Kheza and Rengma. The Central Naga group includes Ao, Lotha and Sangtam, while Eastern group includes Konyak and Chang.
In addition, there are Naga-Bodo group illustrated by Mikir language, and Kuki group of languages illustrated by Sopvama (also called Mao Naga) and Luppa languages. These mostly belong to the Tibeto-Burman language group of the Sino-Tibetan family of languages.
In 1967, the Nagaland Assembly proclaimed English as the official language of Nagaland and it is the medium for education in Nagaland. Other than English, Nagamese, a creole language form of Indo-Aryan Assamese, is a widely spoken language. Every tribe has its own mother tongue but communicates with other tribes in Nagamese or English.
The "Kaccha Nagas" of Manipur communicate with each other in Meitei, the common language of the people of Manipur. However, English is the predominant spoken and written language in Nagaland.
The Naga had little or no contact with the outside world, including that of greater India, until British colonization of the area in the nineteenth century.
Similarities in their culture distinguish them from the neighbouring occupants of the region, who are of other ethnicities. Almost all these Naga tribes have a similar dress code, eating habits, customs, traditional laws, etc. One distinction was their ritual practice of head hunting.
The British first invaded the Nagas in 1832. After the 1830s, British attempts to annex the region to India were met with sustained and effective guerrilla resistance from Naga groups, particularly the Angami Naga tribe. The British dispatched military expeditions and succeeded in building a military post in 1851 and establishing some bases in the region. The British occupied the Naga Hills until 1947 when the Naga homeland was arbitrarily divided and transferred to India and Burma (Myanmar). The first encounter between Western missionaries and the Nagas took place in January 1839.
Mr. Balfour visited the Naga Hills for three months in 1922 and his presidential address was replete with his concerns for the welfare of the Nagas.
Their main religion is Christianity, although some practice Animism. Naga religion did not have a missionary tendency and did not gain followers by conversion. Instead it was passed on to successive generations through oral narrations, myths, songs, rituals, dances and ceremonies.
Nagas perceived time as being cyclical. The traditional year consisted of a cycle of eleven lunar months that revolved around agricultural activities (in a similar way to that of ancient Israel).
“Do not think that I have come to abolish the Law or the Prophets; I have not come to abolish them but to fulfill them”. Matt: 5: 17
In the light of the above fact one is prompt to ask why the Nagas accepted the Christian faith without much resistant. Is it because of the similarities in the belief system between the Nagas and Christianity or the commonness in the conception of God the factor for the easily acceptance of an alien religion by the Nagas?
The Nagas' indigenous religion is basically a communal religion. In this religion the force of nature are appeased and spirit-worshiping form an important part of religious rites. The Nagas are deeply religious. The worship of the tribes of Nagas involved two main elements- offerings or sacrifices and geena (taboo).
The Nagas believe in the existence of a Supreme God. The Nagas have some crude and indefinite conceptions of a Great Spirit, and an evil one. The Nagas also believe in spiritism, that there are unseen beings, which can be termed as lesser spirits in order to distinguish from the Supreme Being who influences the lives of men.
The Nagas are not comforted by the spirits but rather filled with fears, by the thought that god’s eyes may be upon them. Disaster waits around every corner and threatens even the most capable and intelligent. For the Nagas to be religious mean to be loyal to true to the traditions of the tribes.
It is clear that Nagas believe in a Supreme God. His role is limited to creating the universe and the life in it. The new faith deepens and broadens the role of the creator God. Now the Nagas realized that God is not only the creator, but sustainer and he is always at work, this new god does not sleep nor slumber but always remains awake and sees to the minutes needs of men (Psalm 121:3,4)
Christianity has made a remarkable contribution to Nagas' life, especially to the thought and belief regarding God. There is no denying the fact that Christianity has appeal to the Nagas. No doubt the political power of the colonial invaders was a factor, but one cannot explain the Nagas adoption of the Christian faith simply as a political imposition.
The Nagas know that in the deepest recesses of his heart that there must be a God who is present, who loves and cares. When the Christians proclaim their message of God’s loves as seen by His coming to men in Jesus, the Nagas eagerly accept that message.
It is not difficult for the Nagas to accept the new teaching since Christianity is not quite different from the belief system of the Nagas, may it be a concept of God, the concept of revelation or belief in the life after death. With regards to the concept of revelation, the Nagas had means to predict the future; they seek the light from the unseen world for revelation, through divination and dreams and make known the mysteries, which are veiled to the mortal being.
The Nagas believe that gods reveal themselves to human being through sign, dreams, noises and chirping of certain birds. The way god reveals himself to his people is always the same. In most cases the dreams and omens through which the Nagas predicted their future were true.
Christianity does not represent a wholly different concept. The old technique was good, but incomplete. God reveals himself to Nagas through other men, who are themselves mortal beings.
Men are led step by step into their understanding of the mysteries of God. Though there are some aspects of Nagas' life which cannot be harmonized with the mind of Christ, the Nagas have true knowledge of God.
The Nagas even before the coming of Christianity worshipped the true God. The Nagas were and are deeply religious people. Christianity did not make the Nagas religious, nor did Christianity bring god to Nagas. God was there before the arrival of the gospel of Jesus Christ.
The coming of Christianity to Nagas is nothing but the fulfillment of Jesus' affirmation that he did not come to destroy the law or the prophets but to fulfill them (Matt.5:17), it is clear in the statement of Jesus that the old Nagas' law had a value but was incomplete. Jesus comes to give full effect to that which had gone (just as He did to the Jews).
The Naga tribes practiced headhunting (the Israelites from Indonesia practiced it too). Generally, the traditional customs of the Naga, as well as their lifestyle, are very similar to those of the Wa people further to the Southeast and the numerous parallels between the societies and traditions of the Naga and the Wa have been pointed out by anthropologists. Europeans were struck by the Naga practice of headhunting. Ursula Graham Bower described the Naga hills as the "paradise of headhunters". There was no indication of cannibalism among the Naga tribes. Headhunting has been eradicated since conversion to Christianity.
The Angami religious system features belief in a number of spirits and supernatural forces associated with the cycle of life.
Among the vast number of deities the following should be noted: Kenopfu (the creator god); Rutzeh (the giver of sudden death); Maweno (god of fruitfulness); Telepfu (a mischievous god); Metsimo (guardian of the gate leading to paradise). Angami belief provides for prayer to be made to them and for their propitiation or challenge by humans.
Angami religious practitioners include the following: the kemovo (who directs public Ceremonies and is the repository of historical traditions and Genealogical information); the zhevo (who functions as integral part of the performance of personal gennas, and who also is called on in times of sickness to advise an appropriate Ceremonial course of action to cure the disease); the tsakro (an old man who inaugurates the sowing of crops); and the lidepfu (an old woman who inaugurates the reaping of crops). All of these practitioners are public functionaries.
Angami religious life centers on a series of eleven gennas (almost ten, like the Decalog), magicoreligious ceremonies accompanied by behavioral restrictions binding upon community and/or individual, performed during the year. These are connected with agricultural events that affect the life of the Community.
Gennas of less frequent occurrence include those for war dancing, interclan visitation, and preparation of a new village door. Individual gennas (i.e., those associated with the normal cycle of events in a person's life) include those for birth, marriage, and death.
Miscellaneous gennas for illness, rainmaking, head taking, and hunting may also be performed. Angami religious life also includes the observance of certain restrictions on individual behavior (called hennas) and corporate behavior (called pennas).
The ceremony accompanying the genna involves the offering of flesh, the wearing of ceremonial garments, singing, dancing, the pounding of dhan (unhusked grain of the rice plant), the abstention from work, and the prohibition of any contact with strangers. Similarity in the structure of rites and ceremonies obtains in other Naga tribes.
Oral literature includes numerous myths and legends. Images of spirits and gods are lacking in Angami visual art (maybe this is a remnant of the Torah's prohibition of worshipping graven images), but the representation of the human form in Angami woodwork is known. Wooden dolls of the human figure in miniature are made and dressed in traditional clothing. Originally these were produced for artistic purposes.
Ancient Israelites
The Naga tribes are expert craftsmen. Their dwellings are made of wood and straw and these are ornately carved and arranged. A common practice among all the tribes is decorating the entrances of their dwellings with the heads of buffaloes (this seems to be a bull worshipping similar to the golden calf worshipping of the ancient Israelites).
The Nagas love colour as is evident in the shawls designed and woven by women, and in the headgear that both sexes design. Clothing patterns are traditional to each tribe, and the cloth is woven by the women. They use beads with variety, profusion and complexity in their jewelry, along with a wide range of materials, including glass, shell, stone, teeth or tusk, claws, horns, metal, bone, wood, seeds, hair, and fibre (as the Lembas & ancient Israelites, they have a good knowledge on how to work with different matters).
The men's clothing is distinctive: conical red headgear is decorated with wild-boar canine teeth and white-black Hornbill feathers. Their weapons are primarily a spear, with the shaft decorated with red-black hairs, and the Dao, with broad blade and long handle.
Folk songs and dances are essential ingredients of the traditional Naga culture. The oral tradition is kept alive through the media of folk tales and songs. Naga folk songs are both romantic and historical, with songs narrating entire stories of famous ancestors and incidents. Seasonal songs describe activities done in a particular agricultural cycle.
Folk dances of the tribes are mostly performed in groups in synchronized fashion, by both men and women, depending on the type of dance. Dances are usually performed at festivals and religious occasions. War dances are performed mostly by men and.
All dances are accompanied by songs and war cries by the dancers. Indigenous musical instruments made and used by the people are bamboo mouth organs, cup violins, bamboo flutes, trumpets, drums made of cattle skin, and log drums.
The Angami place responsibility for the burial of the dead on the male relatives of the deceased. Burial usually takes place within the village. A grave is prepared either beside one of the village paths or in front of the deceased's house. The body of a man is interred in a coffin covered by a white cloth.
Angami eschatology distinguishes between the fates in the afterlife of those who live good lives and those who do not. The former join the sky god Ukepenopfu, while the latter are condemned to pass through seven existences beneath the Earth. Life with the sky god is presumed to be an extension of earthly life.
The major requirement for entry into this blessed state is that one have performed the zhatho genna and abstained from unclean meat thereafter (a big stress on not eating unclean meat like the Jews). Angami males must struggle with Metsimo on the narrow passage (as the Bible teaches) that leads to the gate of the sky god's domain (this struggle resembles that of the angel with Jacob/Israel. In this story there were stairs to heaven as well). Belief in the narrow road leading to Paradise is virtually universal among the Naga.
Replica of a Naga dwelling
As the tribespeople adopted Christianity, they began to develop more of a "Naga" identity, a radical departure from their distinctions based on warring tribal villages. Today, more than 95% of Naga people identify as Christians, mostly Baptist. Naga society has changed markedly from what Europeans observed 100 years ago.
Christianity, although undeclared, is the state religion of the Nagas today. Without Christianity the Naga National Movement could have died many years back. The Movement got its strength from Biblical stories and teachings.
As this Movement gained strength it helped Christianity to spread in the Naga soil. Because of this connection, the Movement is able to face various difficulties, overcome hurdles and survives for decades. The Movement got the support of the public in the form of "Christians".
By and large, non-Christians were assumed to be ‘non-loyalists’ or people who have little or no concern at all for the Nagas’ cause. Majority, if not all, of Underground Cadres are Christians. Interestingly many of these cadres have brought a good number of non-Christians into Christianity fold.
Once they become Christian, the Nagas called themselves “Second Israel” (God’s elected people or race). Selected Bible chapters and verses were used by many Naga preachers to describe the Nagas as the “Second Israel”, “Chosen People”, “Holy Nation”, “Called out from darkness” and so on.
Rainbow – the covenantal symbol between God and the whole creation – was chosen as the emblem of Naga National Flag. Many prophecies speak about the same thing. The biblical stories of the Exodus and the Conquest of Canaan by the Israelites were earnestly interpreted and used by Naga nationalists to promote their ideology and justify killings.
These were used not only to justify the killings of enemies (supposedly Indian and Myanmar armies) but even Naga brothers and sisters (by often quoting Achan -an Israelite who was assumed to be responsible of Israel’s defeat in a war against Ai - as an example). The Exodus story of the Israelites was then taken as a valid paradigm for and by the Nagas to assert their right to political freedom from the dominant and oppressive countries (India & Myanmar).
The whole presentation of God in the Bible (God of love) was overshadowed by the event of Exodus from Egypt and its subsequent conquest of Canaan by Israel people. God, as understood by the Nagas from this perspective, was the One who helped His people (Israel). Thanksgiving prayers were offered to God whenever our Naga cadres killed Indian armies. Fasting and prayer programs were observed before attacking or ambushing other groups. Captured arms and ammunitions were sanctified and dedicated to God through special prayer usually offered by a Reverend or Chaplain. Naga Churches are often asked to pray for the Cadres so that no harm would come upon them.
On 14 August 1947, the day before India gained independence from British rule, the Nagas were the first ethnic group from the northeast to declare their territory an independent state, not belonging to the new nation. Angami Zapu Phizo led the initial movement with the Naga National Council (NNC). In the last days of the British Raj, he held talks trying to achieve a sovereign Naga nation. In June 1947 an agreement was signed which promised to bring the Naga tribes under a single political administrative unit and recognised the Nagas' right to self-determination after 10 years.
In May 1951, the NNC claimed that 99 per cent of the tribal people supported a referendum to secede from India, which was summarily rejected by the government in New Delhi. By 1952, the NNC, composed primarily of Nagaland Nagas, led a guerrilla movement. India responded by crushing it with their armed forces. Phizo escaped from region through East Pakistan and went into exile to London. He continued to inspire the independence movement from there till his death in 1990.
The family is the basic unit of the Naga society. Marriages are usually monogamous and fidelity to the spouse is considered a high virtue (as the Torah prescribes). Marriage within the same clan is not permitted, as it considered to be incest. Incestuous couples were previously ostracized from the villages. The family is the most important institution of social education and social control. There is deep respect for parents and elders in the Naga society. Material inheritance, such as land and cattle, is passed on to the male offspring, with the eldest son receiving the largest share. (indicating that the society was pseudo-egalitarian).
The patriarchal society with a strong warrior tradition values the birth of boys.
Are the Nagas Israelites?
Naga is a snake god for Hindus. maybe the Nagas, as Israelites were snake worshippers & for this reason the Nagas received this name from Hindu neighbors. In the Old Testament the Israelites started worshipping the brass snake.
The Nagaland flag has a star very similar to the Star of David, a light blue (favorite Jewish color) background & a type of rainbow, a symbol of the Noahic covenant between God & man. The flag is sometimes with the actual Star of David.
The Nagas are at war with the Israelite Chinkukis, but sometimes are considered to be the same ethnicity. or at least to be related. The Naga clan of Mikir could be an Israelite clan from the Manassehite clan of Makir mentioned in the Old Testament. In Hebrew & many languages, vowels are not very important if at all, therefore both, Makir & Mikir, could be the same word.
After Alexander plundered the people in the east, every other group of Israelites found out by the Hellenists was referred to as naga.
The biblical stories of the Exodus and the Conquest of Canaan by the Israelites were earnestly interpreted and used by Naga nationalists to promote their ideology.
A book compares the Naga Struggle for a Christian homeland to the Jews' struggle for Israel. The theme of "India's Israel" was something that came up constantly in Nagaland. Nagaland's state formation in 1963 did not get peace. India wouldn't give up on her Christian secessionists because an independent Christian Nagaland would trigger other religious identitarian movements like the Muslim Kashmir or the Sikh Punjab precipitating eventually India's break-up. Nevertheless, for the Naga warrior race with Christ on their side the fight would last.
As the ancient Israelites, the Nagas saw themselves as a different ethnicity fighting larger & more powerful foes to keep their holy land. In the same way they described their military struggle in religious terms; a holy mission to preserve their island of Christianity, instead of the Law of Moses among the neighboring pagans. Their courage was inspired on that of the Jews, pointing out that they never gave up their hope for Israel & finally, despite of the never ending persecution they recovered their independent State of Israel. The independentist Nagas wanted to imitate Israel's example.
We have a good instance in the Old Testament where Moses demonstrated the right to self-determination and liberated the Israelites from the bondage of the Egyptians. The struggle of the Israelites found in the Bible has been a great influence to modern liberation movements.
Some people consider the Pallavas of India to have been Israelites. The ancient Nagas are also regarded as Israelites. No wonder why the Pallava dynasty mingled with the Naga people. Eventually part of their offspring established in Sri Lanka whereas others stayed in southern India. Do they relate to the current Nagas of Nagaland, India? I would say so, after all their neighboring Chins are Israelites.
An interesting fact of this dynasty was the name of their capital, Kanderodai. It started with Kan, a short way for Kanaan, the Israelite Holy Land.
There were several Naga kingdoms & temples. At least one of these kingdoms traded with Egypt, Greece, Rome... As the ancient Israelites they were great seafarers & traders. They were also great architects & engineers.
Among them there was a tribe called Karaiyar. This name is strikingly similar to Karaylar, another way for the Karaite Jews. Maybe these Karaiyar were Karaites.
Through intermarriage the Nagas from Ceylon (Sri Lanka) became assimilated like many other Israelites all over the world.
Shaving of head was an Israelite tradition practiced by the Nagas (also by the Lembas & Igbos that are regarded as Israelites).
Kayin or Karen are Israelites too
The name of the Thai Israelite ethnicity of the Karen is strikingly similar to the Reubenite French ethnicity of the Carini which doesn't seem to be by chance. The Karen, or part of them, might be Reubenites after all.
Are the KaRen & KaRenni, GaLen & GaLenni, bearing the Hebrew term of the exiles? How about the Ethiopian GaLlas & the ancient GaLlians? In Spain it is said that you can find people from GaLicia everywhere. The CeLts are considered to have Israelite origin. Not by chance diaspora, or exile in Hebrew, is GaLut, or GoLa, very similar to many CeLtic names: GaeL, GauL, GaLes (Wales in Romance languages), GaLicia, portuGaL, GaLlia, GaLatia, CeLt, CaLedonia, CaLlahan, CaLlister, CoLins... The k sound is close & interchangeable to the g sound. That's why I included words with CL. The vowels are not really important in Hebrew.
The equivalent of the Hebrew priest, Kohen, Kohn, Kahen, Kahn, Cohn... in Japanese Shinto religion is called Koyane. This word is considered to come from the mentioned similar Hebrew word. Shinto has many traditions & symbols, equal or similar, to the Israelite ones. That makes one wonder if Shinto is a corrupted Israelite religion being the Japanese, or part of them, Lost Israelites. The word KoYaNe is very similar to KaYeN & both have the same consonants. The Kayans, or Karens, are Thai Israelites. Although they might have Manassehites (because of the Manassehites living relatively close by) among them. The Kayans might have received this one of their two names from Kahan, indicating their Levitic tribal origin. So Kayan might simply be a local corrupted way of the Israelite Kahan priest, as in the case of the name of the Japanese Koyane priest that is a corrupted way of Kohan.
The last Jew of Burma?
Sephardic Jews first settled in Burma in the early 18th century. They came from various spots along the spice route—particularly Iraq, Iran, and India—first as itinerant merchants and traders, and later, finding Burma friendly to their economic activities, as settlers.
Sammy Samuels, a Myanmaran SephardiIf this guy is a Sephardi Jew & looks so Asiatic, his ancestors coming as "recent" as the 1700s, how could the Israelites' offspring that went to eastern Asia a little less than 3000 years before, look?
Kukish Israelites, Shinlung or Bnei Menasseh
Bnei Menashe/Beni Menashe (Manmasi in Kuki), one of the Lost tribe of Israel
We are Bnei Menashe/Beni Menashe (Manmasi in Kuki), one of the Lost tribe of Israel. This claim is officially approved by Chief Rabbi of Israel in 2005. No one has the right to argue against his declaration. Accept it or not, but the world knows us as one of the Lost Tribe.In strictest term, Bnei Menashe is any Chin-Kuki-Mizo who practice Judaism, in general term, Bnei Menashe includes any Chin-Kuki-Mizo practicing Christian, Islam, Hindu, Judaism etc. Jews actually are not a race, it is a culture, Judaism is in the mind, not your blood. You can convert to Judaism an be a 100% full Jew no matter your color or race. We considered as Bnei Menashe and if there is person who does not accept us as Lost Tribe, then considered us as a Convert Jews.
Shavei Israel's plan to bring the Bnei Menashe here has been repeatedly stalled by various interior ministers whose main concern is that once the gates are opened to these people, their numbers will be unlimited something akin to the situation regarding the Falash Mura in Ethiopia
Many of the Mizo and Kuki people, some three million people, are considered by the current local Bnei Menashe leadership to be descendants of the tribe of Manasseh. Even though only a tiny minority of them have embraced Judaism and want to make aliya, they are all potential converts and Israeli citizens. While this scenario is not currently in the cards, the constant and growing attraction of Judaism in this region could mean the expansion of the pool of potential new Jews, and new olim, to unimaginable numbers.
Most of the Judaism-practicing Bnei Menashe have at least one relative who has decided to stay Christian. This phenomenon cuts across communities and families. Once fervent Christians, many in these communities are attracted to Judaism, and some see immigration to Israel as a winning ticket out of an hopeless cycle of poverty. Northeast India is largely underdeveloped, and opportunities for self-betterment are rare. The vast majority of the population are subsistence farmers and menial laborers. As word spreads about Judaism and Israel, increasing numbers are showing interest in the faith and its promise.
The potential number of converts to Judaism among the Kuki tribe is huge. In addition to the Christian Bnei Manmasi Messianic Council, there are at least 12 Messianic Jewish congregations in Manipur alone. There are many more in Mizoram and in Nagaland. They are now organizing themselves under one umbrella \endash the Union of Messianic Jewish Congregations of Northeast India. Lienboi Gangte, the new umbrella\rquote s general secretary, says his congregation has a right to make aliya,\rdblquote even if they\rquote re not currently planning on it. In recent years the government has all but closed the door to Falash Mura aliya, because that pool of potential converts and immigrants somehow always grows. Hoping to stave off a similar edict for the Bnei Menashe, Shavei Israel hopes to bring the remaining Indian Bnei Menashe here as soon as possible, before their numbers swell. Freund says he has drawn the line at 7,232.
The local community leaders decide who is taking Judaism seriously and who is not. The Christians who say they are Bnei Menashe and who want to make aliya are not among the Bnei Menashe we deal with. There is no operative plan to convert the Christians outside of the community of 7,232 that we have defined, Freund says. We have made it clear to the Bnei Menashe people in the Shavei Israel community in northeast India not to start going out into the wider Mizo and Kuki community and missionize. Obviously the longer the government lets a problem fester, the more complicated that problem becomes, and as long as the nucleus of Bnei Menashe remains in India, the greater the chance that more people from the wider Mizo-Kuki community will want to join them.
In other words, according to Freund's thinking, the longer the government doesn't allow the 7,232 Judaism practicing Bnei Menashe to make aliya, the higher the chances that one day the Interior Ministry will be facing immigration requests from a vastly larger number of people.
The Bnei Menashe are made up of the Mizo, Kuki and Chin peoples, who all speak Tibeto-Burman languages, and whose ancestors migrated into North-East India from Burma beginning 6,000 years ago.They are called Chin in Burma. Prior to their conversion to Christianity by Baptist missionaries in the 19th century, the Chin, Kuki, and Mizo followed animism and practiced ritual headhunting.
They have come to believe that the legendary Kuki-Mizo ancestor Manmasi was the Hebrew Menasseh, son of Joseph. The Judaic group was named Bnei Menashe by Rabbi Eliyahu Avichail, founder of Amishav, dedicated to finding the Lost Tribes and facilitating aliyah, who investigated their claims in the 1980s.Prior to their conversion to Christianity in the 19th century, the Chin-Kuki-Mizo were animists who practiced ritual headhunting. Depending upon their affiliations, each tribe identifies as Kuki, Mizo, or Chin. The people identify even more closely with their subtribe of the villages, each of which has its own distinct dialect and identity. They are indigenous peoples, who had migrated in waves from East Asia and settled in what is now northeastern India. They have no written history but their legends refer to a beloved homeland that they had to leave, called Sinlung/Chhinlung. Anthropologists and historians believe that it was located in China's southwestern present-day Yunnan province and that the Tibeto-Burman migration from there began about 6000 years ago. The various tribes speak languages that are branches of Tibeto-Burman.Some of the Mizo-Kuki-Chin say they have an oral tradition that the tribe travelled through Persia, Afghanistan, Tibet, China and on to India, where it eventually settled in the north-eastern states of Manipur and Mizoram. According to Tongkhohao Aviel Hangshing, leader of the Bnei Menashe in Imphal, the capital of Mizoram, when the Bible was translated into local languages in the 1970s, the people were able to study it. They had adopted Christianity in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Hangshing said, "And we found that the stories, the customs and practices of the Israeli people were very similar to ours. So we thought that we must be one of the lost tribes." The author Hillel Halkin said, "There's no such thing as Jewish DNA. There is a [genetic] pattern which is very common in the Middle East, 40% of Jews worldwide have it and 60% do not have it. But many non-Jews and people in the Middle East have it also."The Bnei Menashe have come to believe that the traditional Mizo-Kuki-Hmar harvest festival song, "Sikpui Hla (Sikpui Song)," which refers to events and images similar to some in the Book of Exodus, is evidence of their Israelite ancestry. Studies of comparative religion, however, have demonstrated recurring motifs and symbols in unrelated religions and peoples in many regions. In addition, other Mizo-Kuki-Hmar people say that it is an ancient song of their culture. The song includes references to enemies chasing the people over a red-coloured sea, quails, and a pillar of cloud. Rabbi Avichail thinks that these Chiang, Shinlung and Karen were once one and the same tribe.
Translation of the lyrics: While we are preparing for the Sikpui Feast, The big red sea becomes divided; As we march along fighting our foes, We are being led by pillar of cloud by day, And pillar of fire by night. Our enemies, O ye folks, are thick with fury, Come out with your shields and arrows. Fighting our enemies all day long, We march forward as cloud-fire goes before us. The enemies we fought all day long, The big sea swallowed them like wild beast. Collect the quails, And draw the water that springs out of the rock.
Michael Freund, the director of Shavei Israel, wrote that the Bnei Menashe claim to have a chant they call "Miriam's Prayer." By that time, he had been involved for years in promoting the Bnei Menashe as descended from Jews and working to facilitate their aliyah to Israel. He said that the words of the chant were identical to the ancient Sikpui Song. The Post article is the first known print reference to Miriam's Prayer aka "Sikpui Hla."Timeline (modern)
1894: Christian missionaries began work among the tribal populations in the territories now known as Manipur and Mizoram. Most of the population of Mizoram was Christian by the mid-20th century; the tribal population in Manipur, around 30% of the people, were also Christian.
1951: A tribal leader named Challianthanga had a dream in which his people returned to Israel, and shared it with his community, which led some members of the tribe to adopt Jewish traditions, combined with faith in Jesus as the Messiah.
1975: Several hundred Bnei Menashe begin practicing Judaism, learning from books.
1980s: Israeli rabbi travels to northeast India to investigate group's claims of Jewish connection. First contact with Israel made.
1994-2003: with the help of Jewish organizations, 800 Bnei Menashe make aliyah to Israel, most settle in Jewish settlements.
2003: Israeli Interior Minister Avraham Poraz freezes their immigration indefinitely.
August 2004: Israeli Chief Sephardi Rabbi Shlomo Amar sends a rabbinical fact-finding committee to investigate the Bnei Menashe claims to Jewish ancestry.
March 2005: Israeli Chief Rabbi Shlomo Amar recognised the Bnei Menashe as part of the lost tribe of Menashe, enabling them to immigrate to Israel under the Law of Return, but only after completing formal conversion to Judaism, because they had been separated from Judaism for millennia.
August 2005: 146 Bnei Menashe are forced to evacuate the Gaza Strip along with other settlers, as part of Ariel Sharon's disengagement plan.
September 2005: A beth din fully converts 700 Bnei Menashe to Judaism (219 from Mizoram). An estimated 9,000 people still await conversion.
November 2005: Israel agrees to halt converting the Bnei Menashe after pressure from the Indian government. The entire rabbinical team is pulled out of the country.
November 2006: First group of 100 Mizoram'ss lost Jews leave for Israel
August 2007: More than 200 Bnei Menashe arrive in Israel
January 2009: More than 200 Bnei Menashe make aliyah.
January 2010: The Israeli government announced that the remaining 7,200 Bnei Menashe would be accepted for aliyah within a 1-2 year period after they completed formal conversion in Nepal. This location was selected in order to avoid problems with India.
The Shinlung, or Bnei Menashe, who live in northeastern India, are believed to be descendants from the tribe of Menashe, exiled from Israel in 722 B.C.E. This nation has been carrying different names, such as Kuki, Chin, Zo and is spread over many different parts of India, such as Manipur state, Assam state, Mizoram state, Nagaland state, Tripura state, and the Chittagong Hills of Bangladesh, and in Burma, such as Chin state, Arakan state, Sagaing division, and Maguai division. By 1985, the population of this nation was two and a half million.The Lushei (Lusei) tribe are one of the eleven tribes of the Mizo people, native to Mizoram in Northeast India, Chin Hills in western Myanmar and Chittagong Hill Tracts of eastern Bangladesh.
Though the original name of this nation may not be discovered, nor their origin convincingly traced, the fact that these peoples with different names belong to one origin is unanimously accepted. There is enough historical evidence and records proving that the Kuki, Chin, and Zo people are one nation. To quote one of the most decisive records demonstrating the truth of this unification, Messers B.S. Carey and H.N. Tuck wrote: \ldblquote Without pretending to speak with authority on the subject, we think we may reasonably accept the theory that the Kukis of Manipur, the Lushais of Bengal and Assam, and the Chins originally lived in what we now know as Thibet (Tibet), are of one and the same stock; their form of Government, method of cultivation, manners and customs, belief and traditions all point to one origin.
The Shinlung, a group of about 2 million in northeastern India, the Chin mountains of Burma and the Chitagong tracts of Bangladesh, claim descent from the tribe of Menasseh.
From 5,000 to 10,000 of them practice Judaism, try to follow the Torah and perform the mitzvot. Beyond this number, describing themselves as B’nai Menashe, Sons of Menasseh, there is the vast majority of the Shinlung, who have become Christians but whose beliefs and customs are so similar to those of Judaism that most historians believe they are actually so derived.
They call their god Y’wa, their feast days correspond to the Jewish holidays and their system of animal sacrifices resembles those described in Leviticus. Burials are simple, with no cremations. On the eighth day after birth, boys are sanctified. Many of the Shinlung wear blue-and-white tzitzit.
Rabbi Jack Bresler, a former intelligence officer who served in Vietnam, reports on the traditional song of the Shinlung:
We observed the Sipkui festival, Crossing over the Red Sea running dry before us, the riding foes of mine Were swallowed by the sea in thousands.
The B’nai Menashe, who had no idea there were Jews anywhere else in India, were “discovered” by Eliyahu Avichai, an Orthodox rabbi in Israel who had founded Amishav (“Let my people return”) in 1975. He frequently visits lost and dispersed Jewish communities throughout the world.
Some travelers do get through, like the Canadian filmmaker Simcha Jacobowitz, who has made a documentary on the B’nai Menashe of the region.
In the countries of southern Africa, for example, there are more than 700,00 Lembas, a black-skinned people whose beliefs and practices are similar to those of Judaism — monotheism, a lunar calendar, circumcision rites, dietary laws, discouraging intermarriage, the priestly Kohanim genes in the Y chromosomes of Lemba males, the tradition of descent from the Jews of Yemen who first settled in Africa more than two millennia ago.
Chin (UNREPRESENTED NATIONS AND PEOPLES ORGANIZATION)
The Chins are of the Mongoloid race and originated in central China. Sometime before the 9th century, they slowly descended from central China southwards and settled in the region between the Chindwin and Irrawaddy rivers of Burma.
It is believed that they had entered and settled in Chinland around 1000 AD.
The Chin language belongs to the Tibeto-Burman group and the Chin have their own culture and literature. The Chins were an independent nation who had a territory with distinct borders. Although the British declared that the entire Chinland fell under their rule in 1895, it was only in the early 20th century that the British were able to bring the whole of Chinland under their control.
Chinland was divided, without consultation with the people, into two parts when the Burma Act of 1937 split Burma from British-India. The western part of Chinland remained under British-India and the eastern part came under the administration of British-Burma. When British India became independent in 1947, the western part of Chinland was divided again, again without consultation with the people, when India and Pakistan were divided. One part fell to East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) and the other part came under Indian administration.
While Burman nationalist youths formed We Burmans Association, launching a national movement, young Chin nationalists started a separate national movement under the name of Chin National Union. In 1933 the Union presented a demand for independence to the British authorities in Rangoon and in 1939, the youths who made this demand were arrested and jailed. When Atlee's Labour Party won the general elections and Atlee became Prime Minister in 1945, it became certain that British colonies were to get independence. The Aung San-Atlee meeting not only recognized the pre-colonial freedom and sovereignty of Chin, Kachin and Shan nations but also acknowledged their rights: to get separate independence, to establish separate national states and national self- determination.
The representatives of Chin, Kachin and Shan met at Panglong in Shan State from 6th-7th of February, 1947 and agreed to form a Union with the Burmans provided there would be equality and democratic rights and the right to secession at will. The Burman representatives led by General Aung San accepted these points and the historic Panglong Agreement was signed on February 12, 1947. So there emerged the Union of Burma into the world.
Though it was agreed, the Union was to be built on the guarantee of equal status, equal opportunity and equal rights, inequality and discrimination emerged among the co- founders under the 1947 constitution. Some parts of Chinland came under Burma proper and Chin people were put under different administrations. This situation led to civil war and became uncontrollable. In order to find a solution to the political problem - the lack of genuine federation - a conference was convened at Taunggyi, Shan State from 8th - 16th of June, 1961.
Popularly known as the Taunggyi representatives from all states, Kachin, Kaya, Karen, Chin, Rakhine, Mon and Shan states attended. Unfortunately, the Burmese military, led by General Ne Win, staged a coup in the name of the Revolutionary Council, on March 2, 1962. They seized the state power from the popular government, nullifying the efforts to establish a genuine federation that would guarantee peace and justice, claiming they did so in order, "to safeguard the possible disintegration of the union". They overthrew the 1947 constitution and ruled the country with martial law for 12 years.
The revolutionary council issued announcement No. 74 dated December 5, 1968 inviting suggestions of the citizens with regard to building solidarity among the nationalities. Chin peoples responded overwhelmingly presenting 150 points of suggestion with regard to equality, justice and genuine federation. However, more than 70 Chin intellectuals who were believed to have contributed the suggestions were arrested and put in jail, without any trial, until a new constitution was adopted in 1974.
The military elite forced Chin people, like other nationalities, to embrace the so-called constitution of the Union of the Socialist Republic of Burma (a constitution that embodied one party dictatorship) on 3rd January 1974. Freedom, peace and social security were eliminated under this constitution.
In addition systematic efforts were made to eliminate the literature, culture and traditions of all nationalities other than the Burmans in order to assimilate all other nationalities into the Burmans’. Efforts were also made to spread Buddhism by restricting the practice of other religions.
Because of the Burmese chauvinist dictators' struggle for supremacy over other nationalities in aspects of race, religion and language and to cling on to power, the people suffered all kinds of suppression and severe human rights violations, and unceasing civil war raged. That is why the military dictatorship adopted the closed-door policy and isolated Burma from the rest of the world. As a result of this policy and because of prevailing corruption in the Burmese way of socialism, Burma became one of the least developed countries in the world.
Though the nation-wide uprising started on August 8, 1988 threatened to topple the one-party dictatorship, the military elite again staged a coup d'etat on September 18, 1988.
Important historic events of the Chins:
1895 Greater part of the Independent Chinland was annexed by the British colonial power after launching three major offensive military attacks on Chinland. However, the entire Chinland fell under the total control of the British only in early 20th century.
1896 The British draft and enforced the Chin Hills Regulation Acts and administered the occupied Chinland.
1933 The Chin National Union (CNU) was formed by the Chin patriots and demanded Independent Chinland from British-Burma government in Rangoon.
1947 The representatives of Chin participated in Panglong Conference along with the Kachin, Shan, and Burman representatives, singed historic Panglong Agreement on February 12, 1947 to form a federal union with equal rights, privileges, and status including secession right.
1947 The Chin representatives participated in Drafting Process of the Future Constitution of the Union of Burma under the leadership of General Aung San. The draft Constitution was drawn up by a 111-member committee of the AFPFL Convention which met on May 20, 1947, and approved on May 23 when the Convention was dissolved.
1948 The Union of Burma gained independence from Britain on January 4, 1948; and the Constitution of Burma (1947) was enforced. However, the Burman politicians disregarded the principles of Panglong Agreement so that the independence was stumbled with the civil war.
1948 Over five thousand Chins from all over the Chinland held unprecedented gathering in Falam Town and proclaimed in their unity and determination to be free from traditional feudal administrative system, and adopted a democratic system of governance on February 20, 1948, which later became the Chin National Day.
1961 In order to amend the Constitution of Burma (1947) into more federate features as agreed in Panglong Conference, the Chins and all non-Burman nationalities gathered in Taunggyi, the Capital of Shan State from June 8 16, 1961.
1962 The General Ne Win and his associates staged a coup in the name of Revolutionary Council (RC). Many Chin politicians and scholars presumed to participate in Taunggyi Conference were arrested.
1964 Chin National Organization (CNO) went underground to overthrow the military junta and restore democratic government.
1971 Chin Democracy Party (CDP) was formed in liberated area to overthrow the military junta and restore democracy in Burma.
1972 Over 70 Chin intellectuals, who had made suggestion to Revolutionary Council on RC announcement No. 74, Date December 5, 1968, were arrested by the military junta and sent them to jail.
1974 The Revolutionary Council drafted and enforced the Constitution of the Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma. The said Constitution has promoted and protected one party dictatorship.
1988 The Chin National Front was formed on March 20, 1988 to regain self- determination right of the Chin People and to restore democracy and federalism in the Union of Burma.
1988 The Chin National Front became a member of the Democratic Alliance of Burma (DAB) on November 18, 1988.
1989 The Chin National Front became a member of the National Democratic Front (NDF) on February 1989.
1992 The Chin National Front, as a member of National Democratic Front (NDF), participated and gave its consent on the Manepalaw Agreement to establish genuine Federal Union. The Manepalaw Agreement was signed by National Democratic Front, Democratic Alliance of Burma, National League for Democracy (Liberated Area), and the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma on July 11, 1992.
1993 The first Chin National Front’s Party Conference was held in the General Headquarters of Chin National Front on June 9 – 16, 1993 and the Government of Chinland was formed.
1997 The Chin National Front participated and signed the Maetharawhta Agreement. The Agreement was signed by KNPP, PPLO, WNO, UWSP, PSLF, KIO, AASYC, LDF, NMSP, ALP, KNLP, SURA, CNF, SDU, and KNU. The second Chin National Front’s Party Conference was held at the Camp Victorian from June 20 – July 8, 1997.
As Chinland is endowed by many dales and hills as well as enriched by various floras and faunas, the culture and literature of the Chins are also diverse and rich though embedded in a single domain (or) ascended from a single domain, the Chin.
There is no fundamental differences in Chin language and culture, however, the Chins have minor differences in their language and culture to suit different environments accepting them as verities of tradition and as the richness of Chin literature & culture.
The Chins are rich in folk tales, folk dances, folk music, as well as musical instruments. The Chin cultural heritages are preserved, maintained, and transformed from one generation to another by oral history before the Chins have writing system in early 1900s. The arrival of Christian missionaries in early 1900s, again, enhanced the culture and language of the Chins into a more sophisticate ways. Today, over seventy percent of the Chins are Christians but minority of the Chins are also devotees of Buddhism, Traditional Chin religion, and others.
The Chin language descended from Tibeto-Burman language domain. However, each tribal group speaks its own dialect, but Burmese is widely used in Chinland due to Burmanization of military regime for over five decades. The Chins are known as honest, tolerant, brave, and religious people. This distinctness of language and culture indicate that the Chins are one of the indigenous peoples in their own land.
Lushei tribe
The Lushei (Lusei) tribe are one of the eleven tribes of the Mizo people, native to Mizoram in Northeast India, Chin Hills in western Myanmar and Chittagong Hill Tracts of eastern Bangladesh.
The Lushei people are usually described as "short, sturdy and heavy people of Mongolian type." The average height of men was usually between 162 cm and 170 cm. The average women's height ranged from 140 cm to 160 cm. Their skin complexion varied between dark brown to light yellow.
The Lushei, being one of the major tribes of the Mizo people, influenced neighbouring, smaller tribes, such as the Lai/Pawih, the Ralte, the Hmar, the Paite and the Rangte/Gangte. Presently most ethnic Lushei tribe (people) are Christian. The major Christian denominations are Presbyterian, Baptist Church of Mizoram, Salvation Army, Seventh-day Adventist, Roman Catholic and Pentecostal.In recent generations a small group of Mizo have claimed themselves as Jews.
Though other languages were also spoken in the Lushei hills, the main one spoken is Lushai. Only one language is spoken by the Lushei tribe and it is called the Lushai language. Many of the smaller tribes communicate amongst each other through their own language but usually speak Lushai with outsiders or in public, which subsequently became the official language of Mizoram State of India. Therefore Lushai language is known as Mizo (people) Language.
The Karen people of Burma
The Karen are a group of Indo-Chinese tribes living principally in Burma, the easternmost province of the British Indian Empire, in the Indo-Chinese peninsula, and in the adjoining country of Siam to the east. The only exclusively Karen country is the hilly region of the Toungoo district and the Karenni subdivision, where the Karen chiefs of five states are still in power. There is also a Karen chief ruling one of the Shan States, and five other states in that section are ruled by Taungthu chiefs.
The whole group of Karen tribes can be divided into three divisions, according to their language or dialect differences. These are the Sgaw, Pwo, and Bwe groups.
The traditions of the Karen clearly indicate that they have not always lived in their present home. The most striking story is that of "Htaw Meh Pa," the mythical founder of the Karen race, who lived with his numerous family in some unknown land to the North.
While this tradition is not confined to the Karen, [This tradition is found among the Lhu and also, according to Thra Ba Te, among the Chin in the northwest of Burma.] it has a bearing, I believe, on their origin. A great deal has been written about the "River of Running Sand", which is, as he thinks, the Gobi Desert (Or Negev, Sinai, Judean desert...). The Karen name of the river means not only "flowing sand," but also a "river of water flowing with sand (This resembles the description of the Sambatyon river that some Lost Israelites crossed according to the legend)." The reference to the Gobi Desert seems rather far-fetched and has, therefore, been abandoned by scholars, Dr. D. C. Gilmore suggests the Salwen as being a river that fulfils the requirements of the tradition, but bases his conclusions largely on the reference to the early home of "Htaw Meh Pa" as located on Mount "Thaw Thi," the Olympus (Like Israel with the Sinai, Temple Mount, Mount of Olives...) of the Karen.
The name "Karen" is an imperfect transliteration of the Burmese word "Kayin," the derivation of which has puzzled students of that language. It has been thought that this word is derived from the name by which the Red Karen call themselves, i.e., "Ka-Ya. (From Yah, short form of Yahweh?)" The designation of the Sgaw for themselves if "Pgha K'Nyaw (Nyameh is the Yahweh of the Ashantis, so Nyaw could have the same origin)," which has not usually been associated with the native name of the Red Karen (interestingly the Lost Ten tribes were called Red Jews). In August, 1914, it was suggested that these tribal names, were related to, and derived from, the name of one of the four ancient tribes of China, that is, Ch'iang (ancient pronunciation, Giang or Gyang). This tribe, which is indicated in Chinese by the ideograph of a man combined with the character designating a sheep, conveying the meaning of shepherd (Shepherds like the king-shepherd David), occupied the western part of ancient China. "Nyaw" is derived from "Yang," referred to above (like Yah, the god which is above in heaven).
A Path through the Bamboo Jungle, Pegua Hills
The language of the Karen, after being classed in various ways, has now been recognized as a Sinitic language and to the "Siamese-Chinese" sub-family of the Tibeto-Chinese languages, being grouped with the Tai or Shan.
The fact that the Karen have used bronze drums for many generations has, I think, a bearing on their racial relationship. These remarkable drums have only recently been studied by Western scholars.
Among the Karen the owner of one of these instruments was considered of more worth than a man who had seven elephants (any relation with the ngoma lugundu of the Lembas?).
The religious traditions of the Karen have also been thought to possess significance in regard to their racial origin. When, in 1827, the early missionaries first discovered the Karen, they were surprised to find that these people professed having received from their forefathers monotheistic traditions in which the story of the creation was almost parallel to the Mosaic account in Genesis. "Whence this story?". Was it their independent possession from the beginning of time, their only relic from a more vigorous and highly civilized past when, as they explained, they had not yet lost their book? (The Bible? Another scriptural book telling their whereabouts as well?)[The tradition of the Lost Book is not peculiar to the Karen, but seems to be found also among other tribes in and about Burma, e.g., the Kaws, Was, Palaungs, and the Hkamoks of Siam.]
Some of the early missionaries thought that the Karen might be found to be the lost tribes of Israel [In a letter to the Baptist Missionary Society, dated Oct., 1832, Dr. Mason mentions hearing of the shipwreck on the Tenasserim River some decades before of a foreign merchant who told the Karen that other white men would come and teach them about God. He adds that he thought that the traditions came from Portuguese priets who had earlier come to the East. But in a later letter, dated Oct., 1834, Dr. Mason writes that he had come to believe that the traditions were indigenous with the Karen, whom he thought to be the lost Hebrew tribes. Or, if not actually descended from Abraham, that they had received instruction from colonies of Jews, who were supposed to have spread to the East in ancient times.
The small number of Jewish immigrants into China, who were chiefly settled at K'ai-fong (Kaifeng) in Ho-nan, have never been able to exert the slightest influence on their surroundings, but, on the contrary, have been so completely sinisized that they are now almost extinct. It appears that the number and antiquity of early Jewish immigrants into China have been much overestimated by many writers, so that, if present scholarship is correct, this source from which the Karen could have obtained their tradition has practically been eliminated.[The date of the arrival of the Jewish colonies in China as 1163, A. D.]
Though there seems to be little ground left for connecting the Karen story of the creation with either the Jewish or Nestorian colonies of China, there are one or two points that might be borne in mind in regard thereto. The story is universally known among the Karen tribes and most fully among the Red Karen, who have been least affected by outside influences in recent times. It contains no reference to the life or teachings of Christ or to any real Messianic hope, but suggests only Old Testament material, such as the creation, fall, flood, and tower of Babel, besides containing the Red Karen genealogy. Hence, it would seem that we can hardly attribute the story to the Portuguese missionaries, who were not in Burma until the sixteenth century or later. It would rather point to an earlier Jewish source, from which the story came back in the days when the tribes were less divided than they were later. For if Christian teachers had taught the Karen, would they not have made a deeper impression with their story of salvation than with the less significant one of creation?
Some writers have asserted that the original religion of China was a sort of monotheism, in which one god, the Emperor of Heaven, was somewhat akin to the Jehovah of the Hebrews. There is a bare possibility that the Karen tradition might have some relation to such an ancient belief (maybe they with other Israelites influenced the Chinese).
However, the story of the creation among these people has such a marked parallelism with the Hebrew story that, even though its origin has not been traced, we find it difficult to avoid the suspicion that it came from an Hebraic source, being carried by some wandering story-teller or unknown missionary only to become incorporated into the tribal belief of the Karen, along with their own primitive mythology.
The hilly province of Yunnan in southern China with its great mixture of races, answers the description of an ancient reservoir of fugitives and migrating groups from both India and China. In the marauding expeditions and massacres taking place among the contending elements in such a "melting pot", the conquerors showed mercy only to the women along the foe and made wives of them. On the assumption or theory that the Karen spent a part of their migratory period in Yunnan, they may have preserved a greater degree of racial purity by their practice of strict endogamy (The ancient Israelites are known to practice it thoroughly too) and their custom of retreating to mountain fastnesses (Like the Essenians)".
From Yunnan the route that was probably followed by the Karen was by way of the Mekong or Salwen into the upper part of what is now the Shan States (the Shans are probably Israelites too according to the expert on the Lost Ten Tribes & rabbi Eliyahu Avichail). Thence they spread southward over what is now Karenni and then on to Lower Burma and Tenasserim.
We are unable to determine when these migrations took placed, or when the Karen entered Burma. If it could be shown that the ancestors of the Karen were among those from whom the drum tribute was exacted by the Chinese generals, we should know that they were dwellers in Yunnan at the beginning of the Christian era.
Mr. J. O'Riley writes that he found traditions indicating that the country around Pagan was one of the early homes of the Karen and that they were driven southwest from there, while the Chinese who were with them were driven back to their own country. The Karen then appear to have gone to the Shan country, Hyoung Yuay, and thence to have been driven to the Myobyay province. Here, according to tradition, they were again attacked and, having in time greatly increased in numbers, they turned against the Shan, expelled them, and occupied the present Red Karen country.
The fact that the Karen are found farther south than the Shan also argues that they migrated earlier and were perhaps pushed on by the latter.
In their excellent work on The Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Hose and McDougall say that "of all the tribes of the southwestern corner of the continent, the one which seems to us most closely akin to the Kayans [of Borneo] is that which comprises the several tribes of the Karen" (not by chance both are called Kayan. Interestingly the Kayan from Borneo are part of the Dayak, being the Dayak regarded as Israelites. Moreover, three cities-towns have this name in Armenia, western Iran & Afghanistan, areas of former Israelite dwellings).
The similarity in culture and physical characteristics of the Kayan and Karen with some of the tribes of the Philippine Islands (The Filipinos are considered to be Israelites by some people), e.g., the Davao and Tinguian tribes, or between the Karen and certain of the Malays (Some of the ethnic groups in Insulindia, especially in Indonesia & East Timor, are regarded as having Israelite ancestry), is strong. The similarity of the name "Kayan" with that by which the Karen are known to the Burman is also striking; but it seems fairly clear that if this accidental similarity of name did not exist, the Kayans would not have been considered closer than the Dyaks (The Dayaks are one of the Austronesian tribes considered to be Israelites) in kinship to the Karen. Dr. J. H. Vinton, who has had a life-long acquaintance with the Karen, thinks that they are resembled more by the Dyaks than by the Kayans. He expressed this view after a recent tour through Borneo. These similarities suggest that most of these tribes are not far removed from one another.
The Karen are of medium height. On the plains they average about five feet, four inches, in stature. They are capable of considerable physical exertion, but soon tire. The women are well formed and buxom. They have an erect carriage, being used to bearing heavy burden, on their heads or backs.
The color of the Karen varies from a light olive to a dark coffee brown. Infants are often almost as white as European children. Red cheeks are not infrequently found in the Toungoo hills.
Though we often find considerable individuality in the facial features of the Karen, they conform more or less to type the broad flat face of the Mongolian races with high cheek-bones and widely set eyes. The eyes have narrow palpebral openings, sometimes slanted, and the characteristic fold at the nasal end. The nose is broad and flat without much of a bridge. The plane of the nostrils is tilted upward. The mouth is usually well shaped, but a few individuals have thick lisp and a heavy Negroid mouth. The teeth are quite regular.
The hair of the Karen is generally black, straight, and coarse. Once in a while away hair is found, and in rare cases, it seems to be almost as kinky as that of the African. The Karen have an abundance of hair on the scalp. In the early days the custom was for both sexes to wear the hair long (Like Samsom & the Nazarees), but now the men usually wear theirs short.
The bubonic plague has never claimed many Karen victims (Because of cleanliness? The European Jews were preserved from this sickness in the Middle Ages, contrary to the Christians because of the cleanliness practiced by the Jews in their religion. They were massacred by the Christians that blamed the Jews for the plague because they didn't get the illness).
The presence of certain birth-marks on the children of Mongolian parents has been thought by some scientists to be an important criterion for distinguishing members of that race. The Karen infants certainly have these blue patches on the back and buttocks. Sometimes they are so indistinct as to be hardly noticeable (this clearly points at them having Caucaisan ancestry).
The Karen never puts his best foot foremost. In the past it was not safe for him to do so. Concealment (Like the Jews, especially the marranos) was one of his natural means of protection. To show signs of prosperity or admit having possessions was only tempting his more powerful neighbors to come and dispossess him.
Playmates: Karen Boys and the Sons of the Author. {Notice the unusually curly hair of one of the Karen boys, all of whom are brothers, children of a Bassein man and a Toungoo woman.}Early writers speak of the peaceableness, honesty, and goodness of the Karen. Deceit and trickery are not common among the Karen. Peddlers and other often have to carry valuable goods and money into the jungle prefer to spend their nights in Karen villages whenever possible. In the Karen hills the paddy-bins, in which is stored the year's supply of rice, are situated far away from the village along the jungle paths. It is almost unknown for grain to be stolen from them (is this for keeping the Torah?). Among some of the tribes east of Toungoo stealing was punished, until recently, by death.
A Sgaw Karen Youth with His HarpA Sgaw Karen Youth with His Harp. {In the olden days (Like king David) every youth loved his harp and carried it with him constantly. On such instrument as these they played the accompaniments to their old epic "htas", which have been preserved for generations. The boar's tusk comb hangs down behind this boy's ear.}
The Karen are lovers of music. In the early days they accompanied the chanting of their poems on their primitive harps and other instruments. The people of the Pegu Yomas, Tenasserim, in the delta of the Irrawaddy, have interesting tunes, which have been in use from the olden times. The Maw Lay and other religious sects have had their own songs, which may be said to correspond to Christian hymns. With the introduction of Christianity came the music of the Western hymn-book and to this the Karen have taken with their whole hearts. They love to sing and do not grow weary of it, however late the hour. Occidental music has taken such a hold on those who have become Christians that they have almost entirely given up their native music.
He is not servile. The greatest chief is a comrade among his men.
The remarkable chastity of the Karen (Based on the strict Torah?) is also worthy of notice. The fear of the evil consequences of violating at the laws of the elders (Like the Jews & their Torah) has kept them free from any unhealthy customs that are found in many parts of the world.
The order of words in the sentence is that of the English, as well as of the Chinese and Tai, namely, subject, predicate, and object.
A large quantity of bard literature was handed down orally from generation to generation, being taught by certain elders to the youths who were arriving at maturity, in order that they might transmit it in turn without change to those coming after them. There are also the epics containing the "Y'wa" (Yahweh?) legends. Finally, a considerable amount of wise instruction is contained in the numerous short sayings, Proverbs, and riddles that have survived.
There are certain characteristics of dress that prevail more or less widely among the whole people. The "hse" is found in various forms among almost all hte tribes.
In the Pegu Hills the Sgaw wear a garment that is white above, except for red selvedge lines along the seams, and has the lower third woven with red. In the Moulmein and Papon districts and to the eastward the garment is made of alternating wide strips of white and red running its whole length.
Among the Bwe tribes the custom is to wear a shorter smock. It might be called a tunic. The loin-cloth (sometimes replaced by shorter trousers) is worn with the tunic. Various branches of the Bwe wear different arrangements of colors. The Paku wear a white tunic with a narrow red border around the bottom. In each village this border has a distinctive form. Among the other eastern hill tribes we find the Kerhker, sometimes called the Gai-hko, wearing a tunic embroidered with vertical figures like towers, from the top of which lines radiate like the rays of the rising sun. The Red Karen use a blanket, which is red and white striped when new. They discard both the tunic and blanket in warm weather.
One should include the ornamental head-bands of the Karenni youth who, before marriage, wear neck-laces of stones that have been handed down from father to son for generations.
The Karen make blankets of the same cloth that they use for their garments. They use two strips of white edged with red selvedges. The fringes of the open end are drawn up over the head (the Jews also wore fringes).
Every Karen carries a bag slung over his shoulder as a part of his outfit. The bag is woven in two parts. Both ends are fringed.
Among all the Karen tribes the most peculiar adornments are those of the Padaung women. These are rings of brass wire about a third of an inch in diameter, worn around the neck for the purpose of forcing up the chin and lengthening that member. Only a few rings are used at first; but as time goes on others are added, until the high metal collar thus formed consists of from twenty to twenty-five rings. The greater the length of the neck, the greater the beauty they think.
According to Karen reckoning, the year is divided into twelve lunar months (like the Jews), a month of twenty-nine days alternating with one of thirty. Thus, they have six months of twenty-nine days each which total one hundred and seventy-four days, while the six intervening months of thirty days each total one hundred and eighty days. These two totals added together give but three hundred and fifty-four days.
It often happens that the Karen find their way through the jungle at night by means of the stars. The more brilliant constellations, called hsa t' so, are well known and have their particular names. Of these, the Great Bear and the Southern Cross are referred to the most frequently, because they signify north and south. The rising of the morning star marks the time for the Karen to get up in the morning; while the appearance of the evening star informs him that the end of the day's work has come and the time for going home.
The Karen take note of shooting stars, which they speak of sometimes as flying stars and sometimes as youthful stars. Catching sight of them, people say that they are going to visit the maidens. They give to comets the obvious name of tailed stars and are not different from other superstitious races in believing that their coming brings calamity. The planets have impressed them as "wandering stars", while they leave the fixed stars without names, except the Pole Star, which they call the Mouse, and a star near the moon, which they describe as the star that draws the moon. The Milky Way reminds the Karen of their flowering fields of paddy and receives the poetic name of the paddy flower stars.
Often the flaring light of the bamboo fuel in the fireplace serves for light, while they entertain visitors or do odd bits of belated work. When they need something more than this, they use a cup containing crude earth-oil (petroleum is found in large quantities in Upper Burma) with a wick sticking out, or they make torches from the resinous oil of the "xaw" (Dipterocarpus) tree. These enormous trees when tapped yield a good run of oil.
A Torch with its StandWhen a village community is removing from one site to another, the women prepare food and liquor for the journey, and, finally, prepare the offerings to be left behind.
On arriving at the new house, they do not enter it at once, but wait until some one has plucked from adjacent trees seven twigs growing upright, and with these has swept out the rooms. As the sweeper goes through the house he repeats the following incantation: The Karen language has no word for home. The house is, however, something more than the eating and sleeping place of the village families: it is the center of their domestic life and worship and as such possesses a certain amount of sanctity (as considered by Mormons). The Karen bamboo house, located in a tropical climate, affords a certain amount of physical comfort; the breezes blow through its airy walls, and one may lounge and gossip within during the heat of the day. At night, when the cool air begins to make itself felt, the open fire with its cheerful blaze attracts the story-teller, while out in the shadows the youthful lover strums his harp, and the children and the dogs play about in sufficient quietness not to disturb their elders.
Fisherman and hunters like to roast small game, fish, or strips of meat from larger animals between splints of bamboo hung near or over a camp fire. The Polynesian way of baking such foods is often employed, the fish, flesh, or fowl being wrapped in plantain leaves and buried in a pit, which is lined with stones made hot by having had a roaring fire on them.
The Fireplace in a Hill Karen HouseThe Fireplace in a Hill Karen House. {The housewife is watching the pot boil.}Schoolboys spend their Saturdays in the jungle with their slingshots and blowpipes. Teachers and clerks spend their holidays in the same way.
The blow-gun is similar to that used in Malaysia, Borneo, and the Philippine Islands.
The Karen have a kind of bow that resembles in general the long bow used in the English (The English were very celebrated bowmen in old times & Two-Housers consider them of Israelite origin so the bow might be an Israelite one). Army back in the fourteenth century.
In the Toungoo Hills the Karen hunt with dogs. The "Pu" is a basket shaped like an Egyptian (was it taken from Egypt by the Israelite ancestors of the Karen) vase and has a hole near the bottom fitted with a trap-door. It is baited and set in the water. The fish entering this contrivance are prevented from getting out not only by the trap-door, but also by a circle of sharp points converging inwards around the door.
Early travelers noticed the presence of large bronze drums in the Karen houses in Karenni and in the Toungoo Hills; but it is only recently that these drums have been made the subject of careful study. It has been discovered that these objects are scattered through a vast area extending from Mongolia on the north to the Celebes Islands on the south.
The drums are said by some to have been brought from the "K' wa" country and by others from the "Swa" tribe (Any relation with the Swabi Pashtuns & Swabi German Europeans?).
They are obtained from the Shan (The scholar & rabbi Eliyahu Avichail believes the Shan might be Israelites too).
Some of the Karens have told me that in the beginning these drums were obtained from the "Yu" people (Where these ones Jews?), who seem to have been the Jung or Yung who occupied Yunnan in ancient times.[Yu were the oldest of five families who emigrated from the Sandy River] Various indications point to the probability that the drums existed or were in use in Yunnan when the ancestors of the Karen passed through there from their hone in western China into Burma, where they settled.
Certain Karen traditions associate the drums with one of the mythical characters of ancient times.
All the elders believe that the bronze drums connect the Karen people with a remote past (The remote past would be ancient Israel like the Lembas). One in a Mopgha village, near Toungoo, which is said to date back "nearly a thousand years." This drum has a name, and innumerable offerings have been made to it year after year.
It was formerly thought that the Red Karen were the only tribe who possessed drums, but it now appears that these instruments were known among all the tribes.
Sources of information indicate that they might be made at any time, especially on occasion of calamity or epidemic.
Of the various drums which I have had an opportunity to inspect, I wish to describe two with some fullness, one of these being a "hot" drum and the other a "cool" one. The latter was obtained in 1918 from the Nabaain village tract by Thra Shwe Thee. It is a fine specimen of its class and was used on festive occasions. Its head is twenty-one inches in diameter; its bottom or mouth, sixteen and one-half inches in diameter; its cylinder, fifteen and one-half inches long. The surface of the metal, which is black, is much worn. It has four sets of frogs on the head, each group being composed of three of the creatures, one above another. The frogs are flat and conventional in form. In the center of the head is a large twelve-pointed star (any relation with 12 Israelite tribes?), the angles close in between the rays being connected by several arcs, from the outermost of which radiating lines diverge. The points of the star are encircled by nineteen zones, which fill the space to the edge of spaces, but fall into five groups.
In the village the elders ("phga tha phga," literally, the old men) were looked up to as connecting the village life with the past, in which all wisdom and culture were supposed to have been revealed. The older the man, provided he had not begun to show too evident signs of decay, the wiser and more worthy or reverence he was thought to be. These old men repeated to the younger generation the "sayings of the elders" that has descended to them from former generations. They were consulted on all occasions, and their advice was usually followed.
Bringing Water for the Visitor (Like Rebecca did for Abraham's servant), Nabaain Village, Tharrawaddy DistrictThe chief levied no taxes. He tilled his field like his fellow villagers. He often received gifts of choice game, fruit, or grain; but these were largely a tribute to his personal popularity.
In the olden days three classes of people were condemned "to live without the camp". These were cohabiting couples who had not complied with the marriage rites, widows, and orphans. A couple whose union had been formed without the performance and sanction of the recognized marriage (The Israelite Law) ceremonies were ostracized to the extent of having to live outside of the village stockade or, if they belonged to a community living a single village-house, they were required to occupy a room detached from the main building. The two other classes of ostracized persons, namely, widows and orphans, were supposed to have incurred the displeasure of their "Bgha", and it was feared that their misfortune would become contagious if they were allowed to remain in the village.
Westerners, accustomed as they are to doing their own courting, sometimes wonder how happy marriages can be effected in the case of young men and women who are strangers (in ancient Israel marriages were also arranged by parents) and have never met perhaps till they come together in the marriage chamber. We must remember, however, that with a people like the Karen the physical relationship is more significant than the spiritual. Sentiment cuts little or no figure in the arrangement. The parties to a marriage expect to live together and take the affair as a matter of course. At the beginning they have no affection for each other, but through parenthood they become united in mutual love, and, as the years pass while their family grows up about them, they are bound together as securely as if they had married in the Occidental and more romantic way.
In a Karen family children are desired and expected. To grow old and remain childless (Like in olden Israel) is regarded as a great misfortune. Boys are much preferred, but girls are not disliked as in China and some other parts of the world where they are abandoned. The child early accompanies its mother to the field or wherever she may go. In infancy it is slung in a blanket on her back.
Contrary to the Occiental custom of grouping brothers and sisters according to sex, a Karen ordinarily groups them according to whether they are younger or older than himself. Any man or woman older than one's self may be called uncle or aunt as, for example, among the negroes in the United States.
If the auspices are favorable, the two agree that they have entered into this relation of "do". They regard themselves pledged to each other as friends and bound to help each other in any manner necessary as long as they shall live. They call each other only by the name "do". In seasons of famine one aids the other to the extent of his ability. In case evil is spoken of one, the other defends him, saying: "That man is my "do". Do not speak evil of him. To do so is to speak evil of me. I do not wish to hear it".
Formerly it was the custom for many to multiply their "dos" in numerous villages, so that they might receive hospitality wherever they went and, in case of the planning of forays against some village, the "dos" might learn of it from their adopted brethren in other such communities. It is said that "dos" rarely quarreled, but remained faithful to each other. The institution seemed to exert a favorable influence on Karen society. "It may be compared to Masonry with its secrets".
Two men wishing to become brothers, by each drawing a little blood from his forearm, mingling it in the same cup, and drinking therefrom.
There are occasions among the Karen when the sexes mingle, for example on fishing expeditions and at marriages, funerals, etc. If, however, a youth desires to visit a maiden, etiquette prescribes the way: he must take his harp, appear before her house, and serenade her (like the Mexicans). Sitting down, he sings to the accompaniment of his instrument. If she replies to his request to be permitted to visit with her, she does so on the jew's-harp, answering him in verse. He then mounts the ladder and they visit together.
While slavery was a recognized institution among the Karen, it does not seem to have become a rigid system. When the captives were redeemed, they returned to their previous status of tribesmen (as in ancient Israel). When they were not redeemed, they appear to have lived on under the control of their masters, but, as time went on, became more and more accepted as members of their master's families, while the children of the slaves became ordinary villagers (as in old Israel). In other words, the form of slavery that existed among the Karen did not lead to the permanent establishment of a slave class in the tribal organization.
The Karens have a considerable body of unwritten regulations that were preserved in memory and handed down by word of mouth (oral law like the Talmud that became written). The Karen have no knowledge of an early lawgiver among their people, unless their traditions of "Y'wa" might be regarded as pointing to him as having exercised such a function. These regulations, which are cherished as the sayings of the elders, consist of definite precepts that deal with various social relations and obligations, the cultivation of certain traits of character and the suppression of their opposites, the prevention of crime, the punishment of evil-doers, etc (the Law of Moses). The village chief is the highest civil authority in his little community. In the early days a chief of strong personality, of Bawlake or East Karenni, would extend his control over several villages and perhaps weld them into a kind of state; but, unless this son and heir possessed an equally dominating nature, the fabric would fall apart as soon as the controlling hand was removed. The organization of the village was patriarchcal, but the government was really democratic. The elders of the village comprised an informal council, which heard all communal business and talked matters over with the chief, who usually expressed their opinion in rendering his decision. As a rule there was at least one man in every village who was especially versed in the ancient lore, laws, and customs, civil and religious, and who repeated them, together with illustraive stories, to some one of the younger generation who was interested in learning them. A village without such a legal authority was more than likely to be a concrete example of the proverb: "Where there is no smith, the axes are soft. Where there is no cock, the rooms are still". The inhabitants of such a community were without proper guidance in the conduct of their affairs. They were left unaided by the experience of the past. The elders in the properly instructed villagers were the custodians of the ancient laws, which they were not supposed to change but were expected to transmit exactly as they had received them.
Sayings of the elders deal with such subjects as industry, indolence, helping the poor, widows and orphans, evil-doers, duty to parents, humility, swearing, covetousness, partiality, backbiting, hatred, quarreling, falsehood, oppression, theft, exacting fines, killing, famines, etc (just as the Torah).
The precept on indolence is full of moralizing. It condemns laziness and enjoins hard work in order to obtain paddy. It teaches the people to do their work with cheerfulness and gladness, as also thoroughly and well. "We love happiness", says the precept, "and our greatest happiness is to clear our fields and build our houses. Everything is in the earth. Work hard with the hoe to dig it out, and one can buy drums and silver and other things".
The precept on helping the poor, as well as those on fornication and adultery, contain references to famine, indicating that periods of extreme dearth of food must have been of frequent occurrence among the Karen. Fornication and adultery are dreadful sins because, among other reasons, they produce bad crops and scarcity of game (the same as the olden Israel). In times of famine the rich should help the poor, but the obligation of the former to the latter seems to stop there.
"Children and grandchildren, work, every one of you, and be prepared for a time of famine. Then, when a time of scarcity or famine comes, let not the rich and those who have all the rice and paddy reject the poor who have nothing that you may not lose your honor and be abused, but may be honored and respected. When hard times come and there is famine amongst you, let the wealthy help those who have nothing with which to buy and who can not borrow".
In a similar vein the people are urged to care for widows and orphans. Love of peace is enjoined, because it conduces to happiness, long life, and prosperity.
The section relating to duties to parents recounts the many cares of parents and enlarges on the expenditure of strength and sympathy by the mother in behalf of her children. The deduction set forth is that children should care for their parents when they grow old and provide them with food and drink. Those who fail in the performance of such filial duties will suffer for their sin, and their work will not bring success. They will become sickly, weak, and helpless.
The virtue of humility is extolled at length, as one who knows the Karen people might expect. The people are told that he who does not humble himself but exalts himself, who regards his relatives with disdain, makes forays, is extortionate, beats others for nothing, and, in general, does as he pleases, will die young. Such a man will be punished by the Lord of heaven, losing his drums and money, being left wretched and childless, unable to work, without means to purchase anything, and to die without apparent cause.
Cursing is condemned, and its retributive consequences are shown in the sotry of a man who was the father of ten children and cursed one of his brethren without a reason. The curse did not harm the one on whom it was pronounced, but reacted upon the other, causing the death of every one of his children. Among the other evils denounced and forbidden are covetousness, partiality, backbiting, hatred, quarreling, falsehood, and exacting fines for the infringement of arbitrary rules or for trepass on one's property. Cursing a person by whom one had been injured was a recognized form of retaliation and punishment. It was necessary to go to his house, stand in front of his door, and recite certain verses imprecating him.
The principle of the old Mosaic law of a tooth for a tooth and an eye for an eye was valid among the Karen, but it was tempered in the sayings of the elders as follows: In order not to subject ourselves to fines and punishment, we must allow others to treat us as they choose. If we are struck, we must not strike again. If one strikes your head, strike the floor. If some one blinds you, do not blind him in return. The future is long; the past is short. Love of peace gives a wide space; love of evil gives a narrow space.
The people were warned not to commit fornication or adultery. When they married they were to do so openly. They were told that if they were guilty of fornication, their sons and their daughters would die and the country would be defiled and destroyed on their account. The begetting of illegitimate children was declared to be displeasing to the Lord of heaven and earth, irregularity of the rains, bad crops, failure of seeds and vegetables to germinate, disappointment in the hunt, poverty, and slavery. On the discovery of illicit relations between two of the villagers they were brought before the elders, who required the guilty persons to buy and kill a hog and each of them to dig a furrow in the ground with a leg of the animal. They were then to fill the furrows with the blood of the hog, after which they were to scratch the soil into little holes and mounds while repeating the following prayer: "Lord of heaven and earth, God of the mountains and hills. I have destroyed the productiveness of the country. Do not be angry with me, do not hate me; but have mercy on me and pity me. I now repair the mountains. I heal the hills and the streams with my hands. May there be no failure of crops, no unsuccessful labor, or unfortunate efforts in my country. Let them be dissipated on the distant horizon. Make the paddy fruitful and the rice abundant. Cause the vegetables to flourish. If we cultivate but little, may we obtain but little." When each of the guilty pair had completed this ceremonial, they said that they had made reparation and returned to their houses. In Shwegyin, however, such culprits were driven from the village and required to live outside.
If the crops were poor, the villagers suspected that it was due to secret sins of this sort and felt the need of making offerings to appease the Lord of heaven and earth and to find out the guilty persons.
On the subject of stealing the exhortation of the elders was not to destroy, defraud, or act dishonestly. Such deeds are by no means secret. Even though unconfessed, they become manifest in the ordeal by water and in that of ascending a tree. Families are to be fed in this way, not by stealing or by running into debt.
A person who had been caught stealing might be let off, if it was his first offense and he restored the stolen property and promised to reform. If, however, he became a confirmed thief, he was sold into slavery. In some parts of the Toungoo district it was not uncommon for one guilty of stealing to pay the penalty with his life. If positive proof was lacking and there was doubt as to his guilt, the ordeal by water was resorted to.
Murder was, of course, utterly condemned in the sayings of the elders, for "man is not like the beasts. He has a Lord and Master. We are the children of Y'wa who created us. Therefore, do not kill one another". The murderer will be surrendered to the Lord of the lands and will be put to death. He can not escape. His body will be left naked in the fields, and the vultures will devour it. "These things have we seen with our own eyes, and we know them, and they have often happened among us". However, the circumstances under which a murder was committed were taken into account. A homicide at a drunken feat was considered an accident, for it was thought that the one guilty of the crime would not have committed it had he been sober. No cause for an action existed in such a case.
Men killed while taking part in a foray were to be redeemed, that is, a fine was to be paid for them, unless the leader had been excused from such payment in advance. Likewise, the accidental death of a man during a trading, hunting, or other trip undertaken at the request of another, was chargeable to the latter, because otherwise it would not have occurred.
The recognized way of bringing to justice an offender who was accused of causing the death of another, was for the near relatives of the latter to take active measures to avenge themselves. A dying father, whose condition was due to the assault of an enemy or who had suffered other injury, would charge his sons to avenge his wrong. The chief and the elders, recognizing the justice of the cause, would further it and join in to punish the guilty inhabitant of another village. As a precaution against a fatal accident or a secret murder, person were not allowed to have in their possession dangerous poisons gathered from the jungle. Any one guilty of doing so was acting unlawfully and was condemned by the elders to be bound out in the hot sun for three days. He had also to destroy his store of poisonous herbs and to promise never to commit the offense again. After this he might be received again into the village, or he might be sold into slavery. If he was believed guilty of murder, his life was taken.
Voluntary self-destruction is regarded as an act of cowardice and it prevented an honorable burial from being given to the one guilty of it.
Inheritance regulations and customs are not definite or uniform among the Karen; but usually property is divided among the children, the eldest being given a little more than the others and the youngest receiving a slightly smaller share. The widow has no legal right to anything, although she generally succeeds in retaining the use of more or less of the property during her lifetime. Should she marry again, even his quasi-right terminates. The second husband can not appropriate the property of the first, nor can his children share it.
The precepts of the elders constituted a code which, would have produced a highly developed society, in so far as the virtues are concerned. The Karen have more nearly lived up to the commonly accepted standards of human conduct than some of the other peoples dwelling in their vicinity.
Buffaloes at Their Daily Bath. {Nothing seems to delight them more than to wallow in the mud or swim in a stream.}
The warriors so timed their march as to reach the vicinity of the foe's village after dark, distributed their force around the unsuspecting inhabitants before dawn, and sallied forth with a great shout as soon as it was light. The charge against the village- house was led by the two volunteers (Like the Israelites sent two spies before entering in the Promised Land), and all the inmates who jumped to the ground were cut down or pierced with spears by the armed men in waiting. No quarter was shown, even the women and children being (Like in olden Israel wars) either slain or taken captive, according to the orders of the instigator of the raid.
If the villagers made too stout a resistance to the first onset, the raiders set fire to the inflammable bamboo structure, thereby bringing the conflict to a quick conclusion, though at the same time reducing the amount of available loot (the Israelites did similarly at the conquest of Canaan). They frequently mutilated the bodies of their victims, carrying off their jaw-bones as trophies of their ghastly work. It is not clear that the Karen were once head-hunters. In token of the utter destruction of a village, vegetable seeds were sometimes planted on its desolate site.
The organizer of the foray did not go in person with his men, less he be killed and thus rendered unable to dispense the spoils, but remained at home to receive and reward the valiant fighters on their return with the botty. As they approached, they announced their victory by the notes of their horns (Like in ancient Israel).
Shofar Israelite horns blown for victory
After being welcomed with a feast, they were sent to their homes. Any claims for indemnity on the part of the families of slain warriors were now settled, some of the botty being evidently used for this purpose, the rest of the plunder and such captives as were brought back becoming the property of the duly avenged & victorious one. The captives remained slaves, unless they were redeemed by their relatives. If they were not redeemed, they were often sold in exchange for oxen or buffaloes (these animals became idolatrized by pagan Israel as seen with the Golden Calf), one of which might be presented to each of the villages represented in the war-band. No indignities of any sort were visited upon women captives, prisoners of both sexes being kept for awhile either in rude stocks or within the house.
After being welcomed with a feast, they were sent to their homes. Any claims for indemnity on the part of the families of slain warriors were now settled, some of the botty being evidently used for this purpose, the rest of the plunder and such captives as were brought back becoming the property of the duly avenged & victorious one. The captives remained slaves, unless they were redeemed by their relatives. If they were not redeemed, they were often sold in exchange for oxen or buffaloes (these animals became idolatrized by pagan Israel as seen with the Golden Calf), one of which might be presented to each of the villages represented in the war-band. No indignities of any sort were visited upon women captives, prisoners of both sexes being kept for awhile either in rude stocks or within the house.
A Sgaw Karen Orchestra, Tharrawaddy Hills. {The harp and the guitar are being played together.}
The Karen have seven or eight primitive musical instruments, besides drums, cymbals, and gongs. Those in common use are the harp, the jew's-harp, the bamboo guitar or fiddle, the xylophone, the flute, the graduated pipes, the gourd bag-pipe, and the wedding horn. In the olden days every Karen youth possessed a harp ("t' na"), which he carried with him on all occasion. Even at the present time in the villages along the Pegu range one can generally hear these soft-toned instruments.
In the days when raids by Burmans were common, the scattered Karen who were hiding in the jungle, fearing some of their foes were still in ambush, would signal to one another by playing certain notes on these jew's-harps. Familiar with the sounds thus produced, which were unintelligible to their enemies, they were able to find one another and come together again.
A kind of guitar or fiddle consists of three strings stretched along one side of a hollow bamboo, which has long longitudinal slits on either side of the strings to emit the sound. This instrument may be placed with the finger like a guitar or with a bow, which is nothing more than a smooth strip of bamboo.
An instrument of graduated pipes, similar to the "Pan's pipes" (like the Andean Israelites) known among the ancient Greeks, is familiar in the Tenasserim division. It comprises a number of slender bamboo tubes ranging from a foot or more to three or four feet in length, bound together in a bundle by rattans. The Karen play it, with considerable skill and use it frequently. These graduated-pipes exhibit a striking similarity to those found in Malaysia, Borneo, and the Philippine Islands.
The Toungoo Karen, either the Ker-ko or the Padaung, make an instrument, which suggests a bag-pipe (like the Scottish Israelites, by inserting five bamboo tubes in a gourd. The player blows into the stem of the gourd and fingers the holes in the tubes to produce the different sounds.
The wedding-horn has but three notes. It consists of a foot or more of the smaller end of a buffalo horn, or an elephant's tusk hollowed out and the tip cut off, so that a hole the size of a pencil is left through the truncated tip, and a reed is inserted as a mouthpiece, on the concave side of the curve midway between the two ends. The player produces different tones by blowing or inhaling through the reed and by closing or opening the hole in the tip with his thumb. Sometimes these horns are ornamented by encircling the two ends with silver bands.
Offsprings are desired, and a large family gives joy to the parents. The prospective mother is expected to omit bitter herbs (The opposite of the mandrakes of the story of Rachel & Leah) and fruits from her diet, as these are thought to be harmful to her; while her husband avoid having his hair cut (Like the Nazarees) during her pregnancy, lest it should bring ill-luck and shorten the life of the child.
Old women usually serve as midwives. They believe in aiding nature rather than in letting nature take its own course, even in normal cases.
Soon after the child is born offerings are presented to the spirit. Among the Padaungs the period of the husband's retirement is a month. After this he ties a thread (any relation to the red thread put on Zarah, Judah's son?) on the child's arm and gives it the name that he and the mother have chosen for it.
Although boys are more desired than girls, the latter are not mistreated or abandoned, as they are in China and other Oriental countries (because the Karens have Israelite origin). The Karen possess a considerable degree of parental affection.
It is common for Karen women in Lower Burma who are recovering from child-birth, to observe the custom to have a fire (Like the ancient Israel & Igboland) on an improvised hearth or in a brasier set near the mat on which they lie. The first is kept burning constantly for several days or a week after their confinement, to assist them in regaining their strength. The hotter their rooms are kept, the more quickly they are supposed to recover their strength.
Karen youths are accustomed to try their strength in boxing, though it is more properly wrestling (Like Jacob with the angel). Especially in the Moulmein district is this developed as an art and the Karens there are reputed to be the best wrestlers in the country, so much so that even the Burmans concede their superiority. The object is not to throw the opponent but to scratch him so as to draw blood. The first drop of blood showing on a contestant means that he has lost the match. There seems to be few rules, for hands and feet are used indiscriminately. A Karyen peasant was granted a village in perpetuity by the King of Burma on account of his peculiar skill in boxing. He was to teach the youth of this village his noble art. This peasant seems to have come from Bassein.
Up to a generation or two ago marriage between a Karen and a member of another race was altogether tabu (Like the endogammy of ancient Israel). This explains why the Karen have maintained their traditions and their social solidarity to so remarkable a degree. Moreover, it was an almost invariable rule among the Karen that the young woman should belong to the same tribe as the youth. Even to this day one who marries into another tribe is looked at a little askance and is spoken of as having married outside. It was not uncommon for relatives, usually second or third cousins, to wed. First cousins very rarely married. In Shewegyin if a girl was a relative of the man, she must belong to his generation, that is, they must be first, second, or third cousins. While it was more common for the parents of the young man to begin the negotiations for a wedding, it was not a rare occurence for the parents of a girl of marriageable age to begin them.
Child betrothals are not uncommon in the early days. Two families, who were on very intimate terms and desirous of prolonging their intimacy indefinitely, would arrange to have their children marry. Even young couples, who as yet had no children, would agree that, if favored by fortune, a marriage should take place between their hoped-for offspring, although such an agreement might be made at any time during the growth of the children.
The Friends of the Bridegroom
The only month that is tabu for wedding-feasts is "La plu" (December). This is the month when the moon is most often eclipsed (swallowed by the dogs). To many the month seems as though it were killed and is, therefore, regarded as inauspicious for new life. Others say that it is the month when neither birds nor animals mate, and that it is unwise for men to undertake to start a new household. The favorite months for marriages are March and April in the dry season, because the harvest is past, the weather is good, and there is plenty to eat and drink. The date of the wedding must fall during the waxing of the moon, which augurs an increasing family. This important point being settled, the prospective bride busies herself less with the preparation of her own trousseau than with the weaving of a set of new garments for her future husband, including a white turban, a white blanket with a red stripe running through it lengthwise. The prospective groom has only to make for himself a horn to be blown at the festivities. On the plains and in those places in the hills where each family has its separate house, a booth is built close at hand for the wedding-feasts (any relation to Sukkot?).
With the near approach of the wedding-day the friends of the groom gather at this village, blowing horns, beating on gongs and drums, striking cymbals, and chanting.
Formerly in some localities it was customary to sprinkle the bridal floor with rice to give the pair a fruitful married life. Possibly the showering of rice on newly married couples in the West had originally a similar significance.
Among the Karen we find traces of three distinct religious conceptions. The principle is that of an impersonal power or force residing both in men and things, but which is all-pervasive, invisible and invincible. The Karen designate this force, "pgho". It is the equivalent of what the Melanesians know as "mana" and is defined as a certain more or less unknown force. The deities are said to possess "pgho" and on that account to be able to do wonderful things. It is also spoken of by the people as revealing itself in the infinite attributes of "Y'wa," the eternal God.
The second religious conception attained by the Karen was the animistic. They entered upon this stage of religious belief when they began to assign personal attributes to the various powers about them; they conceived of the agency that brought the dry and rainy seasons (the monsoon in reality, of course), as two different demons, each ruling in the upper air; they assigned a lord to every mountain and river, house and the animals out-of-door with separate ghosts. Some of these imaginary beings are beneficent, such as the celestial spirits that preside over births; but most of them are malevolent and have to be appeased by continual offerings, sacrifices and tabus. To keep on good terms with these innumerable spirits.
The third conception in the religious traditions of the people is embodied in "Y'wa" placing the first parents in the garden (Clearly a biblical account) by "Y'wa," the Creator; their temptation to eat of the forbidden fruit by a serpent or dragon, etc. This story so closely resembles that of the ancient Hebrews, as also certain western Asiatic traditions, that one finds it difficult not to believe that all these traditions somehow had a common origin. Were the "Y'wa" story marked by distinctive features, we might regard it as one exhibiting only a general resemblance to other traditions extant in other parts of the world, but its parallelism with the account in Genesis precludes this view of the case.
At any rate, the "Y'wa" legend has exercised a strong influence upon the Karen people. It was accompanied by the prophesy of the return of the white brother with the Lost Book, which inspired the Karen with the hope of a better future and furnished an admirable foundation on which Christian teachers could build in promoting the development of the Karen nation which, during the last hundred years--the period not only of Christian missions but also of the British conquest and administration of Burma--has been truly remarkable.
THE "Y'WA" TRADITION
The contrast between the animistic and the "Y'wa" conception of the creation of the world is illustrated in the lines of the following poem: "When first the earth was made, who worked and built it? When it was first formed, who was the creator?" "When first the world was created, the edolius and the termite toiled together. When the earth was first formed, these two helped each other and made it".
"When first the earth was formed, it was God ('Y'wa') who formed it. When first the world was fashioned, it was God who fashioned it".
In some of the omitted parts of the poem we find the thought expressed that the edolius and the termite were co-workers with God in creating the world.
"God is eternal, He alone [existed] Before the world was made; His throne Interminable ages stood, & He, the everlasting God. Two worlds may pass, and yet He lives. Perfect in attributes divine, age after age His glories shine".
"God is unchangeable, external; He was in the beginning of the world. God is endless and eternal; He existed in the beginning of the world. God is truly unchangeable and eternal; He existed in ancient time, at the beginning of the world. The life of God is endless; A succession of worlds does not measure his existence. God is perfect in every meritorious attribute, & dies not in succession on succession of worlds".
Besides being called eternal, God is described as "all powerful" and as "having the knowledge of all things". He created man and "woman from a rib of man", and he made the animals and placed them on the earth.
The power mentioned in the old poems as opposed to "Y'wa" and as having brought evil into the world is "Naw k' plaw".
He is said to have been a servant of "Y'wa" at first, but to have been cast out of his lord's presence for offering him a gross insult. The other servants of "Y'wa" have ever since cherished the desire to destroy "Mu kw li", but have never accomplished their purpose. Hence, he continues to roam about, deceiving mankind and spreading death among them, until he shall finally be put out of the way by "Y'wa" himself. He is the direct author of evil and of the curse that has fallen upon the earth. It was through his malicious instructions that the people learned to make sacrifices to the "Bgha" and other demons.
The Karen legends and poems give note of the story of the fall of man in their own picturesque language.
The Lord "Y'wa", father of the human race, spoke to the first pair he had created: "My son and daughter both, your father will make an orchard for you, and in that orchard there will be seven kinds of trees bearing seven kinds of fruit. Of the seven kinds there is one that is not good to eat. Do not partake of it. If you eat of it, you will fall ill; you will grow old; you will die. Do not eat it. Now, whatever else I have made, I will give it all to you. Behold it and eat it. Once in seven days I will come and see you (the 7 day is the Sabbath). Obey me in whatever I have commanded you. Keep my words. Do not forget me. Worship me every morning and evening".
By-and-by the Devil, in the form of a great serpent, came and engaged them in conversation, asking them what they were doing and what they had to eat. They replied that their father had provided them with more than sufficient food and escorted him to the orchard, where they pointed out the several varieties of the trees and told him the flavor of the fruit of six of the varieties. Concerning the taste of the seventh, they admitted their ignorance, inasmuch as they had been warned by their father not to eat of it. The Devil informed the pair that their father did not wish them well, that the fruit of the forbidden tree was the sweetest and richest of all, and, moreover, would transform them into gods, enabling them to ascend to heaven, to fly, and to burrow under the ground at will. He declared that the Lord God was envious of them, while he, the Devil, loved them and was telling them the whole truth as they might easily prove by partaking of the forbidden fruit.
The man was not persuaded by the plausible words of Satan, maintained that they would comply with the orders of their father, and left the intruder. But his wife, "Naw I-u," listened to the Devil's seductive voice, was half-persuaded and sought assurance by inquiring whether she and her husband would really fly if they ate of this wonderful fruit. The Devil again insisted that he loved them dearly, and that he was trying to convince her of the truth. When she ate the fruit, the Devil laughed and told her to give some of it to her husband; otherwise, if she should die, he alone would perish, or if she should become like a goddess, she would be left without a companion. She did as directed and, after considerable persuasion, her husband also partook of the fruit, to the delight of Satan.
On the day following the eating of the forbidden fruit the Lord "Y'wa" came to see the disobedient pair and laid his curse upon them, declaring that they would grow old, sicken, and die; that their offspring would pass away at all ages, and that some of their descendants would have no more than half a family, that is, six children. Not only was the curse of "Y'wa" visited upon them, but also upon their first child, as was manifest by its falling sick. As "Y'wa" had forsaken them they appealed to the Devil, who replied that they must obey him to the end and promised to instruct them in the customs of his father and mother.
Not long after another child was taken sick. They, therefore, appealed again to the serpent. Having wrought all this mischief and failed to furnish any certain relief from it, the Devil departed; while the man and his wife took up the task of teaching their off-spiring the ceremonies and charms in which he had instructed them.
There can be no doubt but that the above legend of the fall of man has been largely responsible for the readiness with which the Karen people have accepted Christianity. It led them to believe that they began their existence as a race under the care and protection of "Y'wa", which their ancestors soon forfeited by their disobedience in following the deceptive advice of "Mu kaw li". They believed that their present practices originated from an evil source and should be abandoned; but their veneration for their ancestors and the customs established by them, in addition to their fear of worse consequences should they depart from time-honored usage, makes it exceedingly difficult for them to give up the old ways. They acknowledge the goodness of "Y'wa" and their obligation to worship him; but they feel so hedged about by a multitude of demons who will bring calamities upon them and devour their souls that they placate these.
The Karen distingish between the "tha" or soul and the "k'la" or life principle (shade) of every human being. They think of the soul as the seat of their moral nature, endowed with conscience, that is, the power of apprehending right and wrong, and with a personality that persists after death. The soul is responsible and is judged for the acts in the flesh. The "k'la" is more intimately associated with one's physical existence. It is the force that keeps one alive and well. As it is being constantly solicited by demons and more or less by the "k'las" of dead relatives to leave the body, it needs the protection of charms, offerings, and medicines". As the "k'la" comes from a previous existence to inhabit the body at the time of birth and departs into a new existence at death, so also it leaves the body for brief periods and at frequent intervals, as during sleep. If it remains away longer than usual, its absence causes the sickness and even the death of the body. As the "k'la" may be away visiting friends or on other errands during the sleeping hours, it is not safe to waken a sleeper suddenly. His 'k'la" may not have yet returned, in which case he could not long survive. One Karen told me that he had dreamed of seeing various persons in heaven and hell and naively remarked that his "k'la" must have journeyed to those abodes during his sleep. I have experienced considerable difficulty in inducing the inhabitants of outlying villages to let me take their pictures, for fear their "k'las" would be carried off along with the photograph.
A Hill Village in Transition {The family rooms have become separate buildings, each with its own ladder.}These numerous beings may be divided into three groups or divisions: first, those spirits that are thought to dwell apart, to possess human attributes, and to control the destiny of men and events; second, the spirits of mortals that for some reason have been condemned to wander about and that have relations, usually evil, with living men; and, third, a number of heterogeneous spirits that never were mortal, but still can influence men at various times and places.
In the first group are the "Mu xa" and the "Hti k' sa kaw k' sa", both of which are conceived of as being companies of divinities: "Naw k' plaw" or "Mu kaw li", who corresponds to Satan; "Hpi Bi Yaw", the Karen corn maiden; "Hku Te", the ruler of hades, and "Teu Kweh", the rainbow.
The "Mu xa" seem to be a race of celestial beings, of whom the great "Mu xa" is the king. They appear to have existed prior to men, but good men may after death become members of their company and dwell with them in the upper regions of the air. They are not malicious, although offerings are made to them lest their anger should be aroused by some untoward act on the part of men. Their special task is to preside over births. Their king occupies himself with the creation of men. They have the power to unite the souls of those whom they have predestined to marry. Those thus paired are vouchsafed prosperous and happy lives; but if they succeed in mating with others than those intended for them, incompatibility and adversity surely follow. The "Mu xa" are often addressed as though they were the parents of mankind and appear to hold places comparable to that of Zeus or Jupiter among the gods of the ancient Greeks and Romans (for Christianity He is the Father of humankind too). They are often spoken of in Karen lore as dwelling on Mount "Thaw Thi", as Zeus in Greek mythology had his abode on Mount Olympus (or Mount Sinai, Moriah...for Jews).
The lords of the water and land, or lords of the earth, are the deities who rule over the lands of the earth. They are superior to the spirits that preside over rivers and mountains. Ill-spoken words, as well as improper and immoral actions, easily offend them; and they take vengance on persons guilty of such misdemeanors by sending tigers, snakes and various illness upon them. "O Lords of the earth, we are ignorant people. Whatever transgressions we have been guilty of in using harsh or obscene words, do not, o Lords, hold them against us. We will make offerings annually. If we do not die, you shall eat of our food every year and of our children's offerings, generation after generation".
A legend in regard to "Hpi Bi Yaw" relates that in the guise of a dreadful old hag she begged men, who were seeking food in the jungle during a famine, to share with her. They refused but an orphan, following in her path, took pity on her and was rewarded by being instructed in all the arts of raising paddy. Beginning with three kernels, which he took from the stomach of a dove, he grew both the early and the ordinary varieties of rice, as well as the glutinous rice. With a small knife given him by the goddess he was able to clear away the jungle-growth from his field at a stroke. Returning home with him, she directed him to boil a pot of water, and into it she shook an ample quantity of rice for the meal from her finger-tips. Through her favor his field surpassed all others in productivity and was cut by one sweep of the sickle. The grain was transferred from the field to its bin by magic, and, although stolen by the villagers, was restored by the goddess's dancing in the empty bin. During successive years, she befriended the orphan and even dwelt in a hut in his field during the cultivating season, until he became prosperous enough to marry. The very next season, however, the orphans' wife become jealous of the goddess, came to the field, and beat her with a bamboo pole, until the divinity managed to escape from her assailant by changing herself into a cricket and hiding in a crab's burrow. "Hpi Bi Yaw" became so incensed at the outrageous treatment she had received that she has never returned since to aid any mortal; but offerings are made to her, and the rim of earth that encircles the entrance to crabs' burrows is placed on top of the paddy pile and in the bin in her honor.[The myth concerning "Hpi Bi Yaw" resembles more or less that of the Irish and Scotch corn maiden, Kernaby]
A Bwe Karen Christian Village, Toungoo District {The Karen still love to build their houses as close together as possible.}
Hades receives the souls of mortals and rules over the dead. As judge of those under his authority he grants permission to the ones that have lived worthily to enter the higher realms, but he condemns to the lowest hell those of base lives.
The people say of the rainbow in the east that became the bow of promise in the sky (the rainbow is a sign of the pact between God, Noah & the rest of men).
The second group of spirits among the Karen comprises those who spent some time on earth as human beings, but have not gained entrance into the realm of the dead because they were denied funeral rites either on account of their bad character.
This division consists of three groups of beings. The first are "Th' re ta hka," or ghosts of those who have died violent deaths or have been carried off by epidemics of cholera, smallpox, etc. and could not, therefore, be given proper funeral ceremonies. They are believed to bring violent deaths and epidemics upon mortals, probably in revenge for the manner of their own taking-off. The second group is made up of those who were notoriously evil in the earthly life and suffered capital punishment for their crimes and of those who as chiefs were known to be tyrants. This group as a whole is called "Ta mu xa." Its members appear in the forms of giants and goblins or of Burman Buddhist monks.
The third general division of spirits comprises a heterogeneous lot of divinities, who exercise more or less influence on the life and prosperity of men.
The Titan Atlas of the ancient Greeks, supporting a globe. He is a brother of "Y'wa" and holds the world on his shoulders.
The "P'yo" are demons, vusually in the form of dragons or serpents. They sometimes take on human form, and in this guise they figure in many Karen tales. They preside over the deep pools of streams (Mormons believe that Satan has more power in the waters). The king of the crocodiles, "Maw law kwi", is said to be none of these demons.
There are other mythical beings of whom the Karen have more or less vague ideas, for example, the two daughters of "Y'wa" who came to earth in order to improve the condition of men. A prophet discovered their identity and urged the people to build a temple for their worship. The Pwo Karens not only failed to follow this advice, but also disregarded the proprieties so far as to begin pulling out their gold and silver hair ornaments. The goddesses became so disgusted with this rude treatment that they hastened back to their celestial abode, nevermore to be seen by mankind.
A large group of malevolent beings, much feared by the Karen, are the "Ta na". These are witch-like in their operations. They may perhaps be compared to the old conception of the nightmare in English folklore, except that this demon confined its activities to the sleeping hours of the victim.
A monster called "T' nu" appears destined to play the part of destroying angel among the Karen after the righteous shall have disappeared from the earth. He will then exterminate the wicked. He is represented as going about with a huge crossbow.
The religion of the Karen is not one of love and worship, but largely of fear (Like with the God of the Old Testament) of the occult powers by which they believe themselves to be surrounded. Their ceremonies and offerings are, therefore, inspired by personal and utilitarian motives, namely, to avert danger and bring good fortune.
Among the Sgaw the great sacrifice is ordered by the most influential chief of the country, his directions being given to those chiefs who are willing to acknowledge his superiority and by them in turn to their villages. The time being appointed, a suitable spot near a good stream is chosen to which every family is expected to bring a boar and a white fowl, while the chiefs each bring a bullock or a goat. An altar of bamboo with seven posts on each side is erected, the roof of which consists of seven tiers each smaller than the one below, like that of a Buddhist palace.
"O Lords of the land and water. O Lords of mercy. Lest the country should be stricken and the grain destroyed; lest the people should be distressed and a pestilence come upon them, we put our sins on these buffaloes, oxen, and goats.[In these ceremonies one can readily see the similarity to that of the scapegoat of ancient Israel.] From this day henceforth may it please you to disregard our sins. Let illness not come upon our people. O ye Great Spirits that rule the heaven and the earth, receive our offerings and have mercy upon us. From now on may our land be fruitful, may the work of our children prosper, may they keep well. Forget our evil deeds, which bring distress. May these things come to pass because of the offerings that we are now making".
The young men hamstring the animals and cut their throats as soon as the chiefs remove their hands. The blood is poured around the place of sacrifice. The gall-bladders are examined to see if they are full and well-rounded. If so, the sacrifice is thought to be acceptable. Otherwise, it is evident that the sins of the people are not yet absolved and will not be, until they provide satisfactory animals. Assuming, however, that the first offering proves to be acceptable, the hair is burned off of the animals. Their heads and feet are cut off and laid upon the altar, and seven bamboo water-joints are fastened to its posts. When the flesh is cooked the great chief goes to the altar, takes some rice and meat on a silver tray, fills all of the bamboo joints and puts some of the food down at various places on the altar. He then eats a morsel himself, after which each of the others eat in turn.
While this ceremony is in progress, every one must confess his sins. If there is any doubt about a person, he must remove it either by the water ordeal or by that of climbing a tree.
The leader takes a sprig from a eugenia tree and raises it in his clasped hand to heaven and prays, the others doing likewise. The leader then spears the hog; and, when the blood flows, all seize their bamboos and cry out: "May my paddy be as high as these bamboos".
Besides the great sacrifice offered by the Sgaw to the lords of the land, they also make a small sacrifice to the same powers. A few men-- the exact number being determined by divination--build a little booth in the jungle and clear three paths leading from it. They sacrifice a white fowl, letting some of its blood into a bamboo joint containing liqour. Some of the blood is smeared on the outside of the joint and on the posts of the booth, and feathers from the fowl are stuck to it. A kind of broom is made by splitting a bamboo, with which they beat the booth, while praying: "O Lords of the land and water. Let the sick member of my family change places with this fowl. Forgive his sins and free him from disease".
Formerly men called "wi" (prophets) were consulted to interpret the auspices. On occasion they went into trances in order to reveal secrets. Their office in most of the Karen tribes was for life or while they maintained a good character, and it involved a knowledge of the ancient poetry of the folk by which the traditions and customs were handed down from generation to generation. Among the Bwe, who seem to have esteemed priests more than the other tribes, there were four of these prophets who presided over the great sacrifice, the eldest being regarded as high priest. When one of them died, the elders assembled and chose which of his sons should inherit the office.
A Bwe Karen Prophet
A veneration of ancestors is manifest all through the family ceremonies. The ancestors are thought of as taking an interest in the affairs of living men. The Karen do not, however, indulge in ancestor worship to the extent that the Chinese practice it.
The grandmother or the eldest female in the direct line of the family presides as the high priestess at the "Bgha" feast of the whole family. This custom seems to hark back to the matriarchal state of development among the Karen, as also does the fact that the groom goes to live with the bride's family. Why a woman should hold the place of honor at the "Bgha" feast has been "explained" in two ways, namely, (1) that a female was the first person to fall under the influence of "Mu kaw li" (Satan) in the orchard, and (2) that as the woman is the more susceptible to sickness, she probably has more to do with the offerings and should take the leading part in making them.
In Karen lore mention is often made of the sacred mountain (Like the sacred mountains of Israel). The Buddhists may have gotten it from dispersed Israelites of the area), "Thaw Thi", which was early thought to be identical with the fabulous sacred mountain of the Buddhists, "Myenmo Taung". "Thaw Thi" was the dominating peak of the range of hills separating the valley of the Sittang from that of the Salween. "Thaw Thi" is the most impressive peak. Its summit is a wide clear space which, the people believe, is swept clean every morning by the goddess "Ta La," who has her abode there.
One story connects Mount "Thaw Thi" with the flood that submerged the world, except the ridge along the top. When the flood receded, the peacock pheasant ("pgho ghaw") alighted on the summit now bearing its name. Another legend represents "Thaw Thi" as being considered the highest mountain in the world, whose sides abound with all kinds of game, these creatures being constrained to render homage to this kingly mountain. Hence, all the beasts and the birds of the air, including the tiger, bear, crocodile, wild dog, dragon, vulture, and adjutant, ascend in procession to do reverence.
When, in the middle of the nineteenth century, evangelists began to travel in the Toungoo district they discovered that the people living in the villages near Mount "Thaw Thi" indulged in various more or less elaborate rites on the peak. They had leaders or prophets in each village who interpreted the signs and set the time for the annual pilgrimage to the summit, where they sacrificed pigs and buffaloes, made offerings of wood and water, and built cairns of stones. A recent visitor to this spot reports that the cairns may still be seen, as also the broken pieces of the jars and bottles which once held the offerings; but that the paths are now overgrown, inasmuch as the former ceremonies have been long discontinued. Only a few old men recollect the pilgrimages to the summit made in their boyhood days. Some of these says that the people ascended the mountain to await there the appearance of the god, "Y'wa", in order that they might commune with him.
"'Y'wa' will come and bring the great 'Thaw Thi'. We must worship, both great and small, the great 'Thaw Thi', created by 'Y'wa'. Let us ascend and worship. There is a great mountain in the ford. Can you ascend and worship 'Y'wa'? There is a great mountain in the way. Can you go up and commune with 'Y'wa'? You call yourselves the sons of 'Y'wa'. How often have you ascended to worship him?You claim to be the children of 'Y'wa'. How many times have you gone up to worship 'Y'wa'?"
Other great mountains in the East have been reverenced by the inhabitants of the region round about (did they receive the tradition from the Israelites of the area?).
Like the Jews, who two thousand years ago were constantly expecting the Messiah and followed after those who set themselves up as such, the Karen seem to have been ever ready to accept the teachings of some self-constituted prophet. Dr. Judson met with a person of this sort north of Moulmein in 1832. The names of a number of these religious teachers, including a few women, are known. The founder of one of these cults, which attained a remarkable vogue and is known as the "Maw Lay", began his labors in the village of Pli hta, which lies about fifty miles north of Shwegyin, where they still point out the original pagoda and the huge stone steps leading up to it, reputed to have been built by the founder of the sect. The teaching was eclectic, as is generally true of other cults of this sort, embracing in this case the "Y'wa" and other traditions of the Karen, together with some elements of Buddhism and some of Christianity. The concluding sentence of the myth concerning the incarnation of the reputed author of this religion relates that when he appeared among the white men he was called Jesus Christ, and that when he appeared among the Karen he was known as "Maw Lay." The new cult originated about the middle of the last century and spread rapidly into almost every district where the Karen are found.
Christianity, has gained a large following chiefly among the non-Christian Karens, to whose national feeling the leaders have undoubtedly appealed.
A former priest of the Church of England started the "Hkli Bo Pa" cult in the Toungoo Hills.
The division lines between religion, magic, and science, are hard to trace. In truth, the three fields so overlap and interpenetrate that it is almost impossible to tell where one begins and the other leaves off. However, religion for them may be defined as consisting of the socially recognized practices and conceptions belonging to the tribe or group and relating to the supernatural powers or forces.
In some outlying Karen districts there are still persons of both sexes among the Karens who profess to maintain communication with the powers of the invisible world. Of these "wi", so-called, one group has dealings with the powers of evil, while the other looks to "Y'wa", the eternal God, for the revelations of unseen things. The latter group is sometimes designated leaders of religion or "heads of the feasts". The prophesies of the deliverance of the Karen from the Burman yoke (like the Israelites in regard to the Egyptians) and of the coming of the white brother were uttered by some of these "wi". The members of the former group are believed to be able to see into hell and to bring evil forces to bear on men. They go into trances and work themselves into a state of frenzy, writhing on the ground and frothing at the mouth until they have received a message. Then they calm down and deliver their oracle in verse. They are reputed to have often deceived their patrons. They are at enmity with the prophets of the second group. Their influence is limited to those of weak personal powers.
The "medicine-teachers" they possess knowledge of the efficacy of roots and herbs. The Karen regard sickness as due to some mysterious force or "mana" and believe that all medicine, even that perscribed by European physicians, operates to dispel or vanquish this force.
Certain stones and some plants of the ginger family are credited with having the ability to consume food. If offered raw flesh and blood, they prefer the latter.
Much of the magic of the Karen prophets and "medicine-teachers" is concerned with recalling the "k'las" of sick persons.
Recourse is had to the bones of the fowl of prognosticating the future throughout many parts of southeastern Asia.
The Karen people themselves connect the origin of this custom with the legends of their early golden age, before they had lost their book or Satan had temped their ancestors to disobey the eternal God, "Y'wa", and had then taught them divination.
Book of Scripture
The story of the Lost Book is found among other peoples in this region of the earth "Y'wa" had seven sons, the eldest of whom was the Karen and the youngest, the white man. The father, being about to go on a journey, invited the Karen to accompany him; but the latter declined on the score that he had his field to clear. The Burman also refused to go. However, each of them gave "Y'wa" a gift, the Karen presenting him with a bamboo trough, such as the pigs feed out of, and the Burman, with a paddle. The white brother was induced to accompany his father, and, when they got to the sea, they transformed the trough into a boat and the paddle into a mast and sail. By these means they soon reached the celestial shore. While there "Y'wa" prepared three books: one of silver and gold for the Karen, because he was the oldest; one of palm-leaf for the Burman, and one of parchment for their white brother. These were given to the white man, and he accepted them, but kept the silver and gold book himself, sending the parchment book to the Karen by the hands of the Burman. The Karen was busy clearing his fields and, paying little attention to the book, forgot to carry it home. When he burned off his clearing, it was lying on a stump and was nearly destroyed. The pigs and chickens ate the charred remains of it. Thus, the wisdom contained in the book, which the ancestors of the race sorely needed after sickness and trouble came upon them, was nowhere to be found except in the pigs, chickens, and charcoal, and it was to these they turned in their distress. The serpent, Satan, was directly responsible for leading them to these sources of wisdom. Such is the mythical story of the origin of divination among the Karen.
"The book of the ages was rooted by the pigs (maybe starting eating pigs made them lose the Torah). At first the women neglected it. The men also did not look at it. If both men and women had studied it, all the world would have been happy. "Our book of gold that "Y'wa" gave, Our book of silver that he gave, the elders did not obey. Lost, it wandered to the foreigner".
As among the Polynesians and South Sea Islanders, so also among the Karen people, certain foods (like among the ancient Israelites), animals, persons, places, days, names, etc... are temporarily or permanently prohibited under penalty of a curse falling upon those who disregard the tabu. Among the Karen such prohibitions ("ta du ta htu") are most commonly associated with marriage, adultery, births, widows and orphans, portents, signs of bad luck, crops, certain domestic animals.
It is evident that most of the tabus are related to the domestic life and the occupations of the people. Only in a few instances are they concerned with interests distinctly tribal. It was formerly the custom among the Red Karen for the mothers of prospective chiefs of the tribe, and for the chiefs themselves, to abstain from the use of rice and liquor. The tabu on the eating of rice by these persons is difficult to explain; but we know that the Red Karen use rice less extensively than the inhabitants of the plains, yams and other roots constituting an important part of their diet. The suggestion has been made that the tabu on liquor drinking by the chiefs and their mothers, was for the purpose of promoting the clearness of mind so desirable in the leaders of the tribe; but it is truer to say that they believe that by ascetic practices one may gain unusual powers--perhaps magical--either for oneself or, in the case of the chief, for his people. When the Red Karen chiefs observed their tabus they prospered, but when they neglected them they suffered adversity.
Marriage of a Karen with a person of another race was formerly strictly forbidden. This exclusiveness kept the racial stock pure and unmixed. In recent times the prohibition has not been rigorously enforced. Hence, the barriers between the Karen on the one hand and the Burmese and Shan on the other have been somewhat weakened, betokening--it must be confessed--a moral looseness that was unknown before. The village elders have always maintained that marriages outside of the tribe were not good, although such unions have not been lately tabued. Marriages between members of the same tribe or of the same village, providing the parties concerned are not more closely related than cousins, are permitted. To marry a relative closer than a cousin would be incest, and all the tribes forbid such unions. On the day of a wedding in a village the inhabitants are forbidden to labor.
Adultery and fornication are under strict tabu.
A number of prohibitions are connected with birth. One of the Sgaw precepts forbids pregnant women to eat the flesh of the curious monkey-tiger (lctides ater), bitter herbs, and the long smooth pod called alligator's tongue. Before the men adopted the modern fashion of wearing their hair short, the husband of a woman who was with child was not permitted to trim his locks. During the first six days following a birth the custom of the Padaung denies to the father the right of associating or even speaking with any one, except his own family. He alone cares for the mother and child during the period named.
The observance of certain tabus are regarded as conducive to the production of good crops or of prosperity in other forms. On the plains it used to be prohibited to drive a cart across it or to walk on it with shoes on (is this like the prohibition of the Jews to carry tools on Sabbath?). Another tabu prevents the eating of flesh during harvest-time.
Certain tabus contribute to preserve the integrity of the family through the female line (like the Jews).
On the plains, where the Karen villagers build separate houses persons are forbidden to drive their carts through the village road close enough to the houses to bump against the supporting posts. This tabu, which, in the eyes of a Westerner, partakes of the nature of a town ordinance, is enforced upon the offender by the imposing of a fine. In the hills the money is put in a hole in the bamboo ladder leading into the house or, in lieu of a money payment, the fowl is hung under the house. Some persons have shown a prejudice against eating it.
Perhaps there is no more widespread tabu among the Karen people than that of personal names (the jews gave great imporatnce to names & believed the name marked the possesor's personality).
During the month of July, when the streams are in flood, the people observe the tabu of the rising and falling of the waters. They refrain from labor, make an offering of a fowl all of one color on the path near a stream, and utter the following prayer: "O Lord of the great water and the small water, of the oceans and the lakes. We are offering you a large sweet fowl and sweet rice. Flow in your own banks as usual, so that we shall not be drowned or fall into the water to be devoured by crocodiles and dragons.
While all of these numerous tabus have helped to nourish the ancient superstitions of the Karen, it is well to remember that some of them, in the absence of other social and moral sanctions, have exercised a beneficial influence. Among the latter are the tabus against marriage outside of the tribe, and especially outside of the race. These tabus have been instrumental in maintaining the integrity of the various tribes and of the people as a whole, and in enabling the Karen to live largely apart from the corrupting influences of neighboring peoples. Other tabus have served to magnify the importance of the religious rites and to enforce a stricter morality than prevails among some primitive races. It is obvious that these benefits have been secured at a great economic cost, when one considers the large number of holidays which falls to the lot of the conscientious Karen. These holidays, however, have contributed in no small degree to sociability among the people, for they could spend them only insisting at home in conversation and gossip with their friends. The rapid progress of the race in recent itmes has been accomplished by the breaking down of the validity of these tabus--a thing that is to be commended.
No account of the Karen can, therefore, be regarded as complete which does not contain some mention of the widespread influence of the Christian religion among them, raising them from a humble position to one of importance and transforming them to such an extent as to cause their Burman neighbors to marvel greatly at the change.
Immediately after his baptism, Ko Tha Byu set out for the Karen villages in the hills. He was shortly to confirm a tradition, then current among the people, to the effect that one day their long absent "white brother" would return to them from across the great waters, bringing the Lost Book which they had looked for with unabated expectation. His message of good news was received with wonder and surprise by the elders in the jungles. Delegations accompanied him to Tavoy to see the "white brother" and listen to his teaching. Among those who came was a prophet, who a few years before had bought from a white sailor in Tavoy a book that he had since regarded as a fetish. The elders accepted the message of their white brother, Mr. Boardman, as the fulfilment of their own prophesies, and a number of them were soon baptized. They wished to learn to read, and Ko Tha Byu became their teacher. Later he traveled in the Moulmein district, and it was there in 1832 that Dr. Wade, while engaged in reducing the Karen language to writing, first learned to his great surprise that the old poems of the Karen contained the "Y'wa" tradition.
In 1833 Ko Tha Byu removed to Rangoon to carry the good news to his countrymen in the Burmese territory of Pegu. By the end of the first rainy season the report had spread throughout the jungles of this region, and groups of Karens came in from a wide area, some to learn more about the mission of the white brother and others to receive immediate baptism and admission into the Christian Church.
Determined to carry back to his people a few copies of certain religious books which had been prepared for the Karen, the young chief succeeded in smuggling them out of Rangoon. He traveled by unfrequented jungle trails and, on reaching home, hid the books in a bundle of old clothes. Long after nightfall, stealthily by ones and twos, men and women came to his house. Guards were posted outside of the village, and the bundle was broght out and unwrapped until, by the dim light of a wick burning in an earthen cup filled with oil, the books were disclosed, including a Bible that was regarded as the now recovered Lost Book. At the sight of this unspeakable treasure some of those present bowed down and worshiped, others wept, some touched and caressed the sacred book, some kissed it, and some gazed long and curiously at its title. They crowded around the volume so thickly that the chief lifted it high above his head, in order that all might see, and all gazed at it with bated breath. They had been permitted to witness the return of their book, and they believed that they were no longer to be members of a despised nation.
The years just preceding then annexation of Pegu by the British Empire, were hard ones for the Karen Christians. Their faith was severely tested by persecutions. Thra Klaw Meh, pastor of a Bassein church, and the converts of his village were imprisoned for their acceptance of the new religion. Their friends collected a handsome sum for their ransom, and all but the pastor were released. He was ordered to give up preaching, but, refusing to do so, was subjected to torture for days and finally was disemboweled and shot. Others were much persecuted, many suffering martyrdom both before and after the Second Burmese War. Until Pegu was annexed by the British Government in 1853, no missionaries were allowed to remain permanently in Lower Burma.
Careful statistics do not appear to have been kept during the early years of the Baptist Mission, and it is, therefore, difficult to discover how many of the Karen became Christians. In 1856 eleven thousand, eight hundred and seventy-eight communicants were reported, but this number includes many estimated returns. From that time on there has been an almost steady increase in the membership of the Baptist Mission, which numbered in 1919 fifty-five thousand, three hundred and fifty-three communicants enrolled in Karen churches, representing a nominal Christian community of two hundred thousand souls. In this same year there were nineteen thousand, four hundred and twenty pupils in the Karen mission schools.
Apart from the generous sums of money which the Karen Christians give, many of the men who have been trained in the schools have manifested the spirit of self-sacrifice by going out to the more distant tribes and some even into China, despite their small pay, in order to carry the Gospel and its civilizing influence to the people in those regions.
The Roman Catholic Mission began its labors among the Karen in the forties of the last century at Myaungmya, near Twante, in Palaw township, Mergul district, and at Bassein (any relation to Bashan, Israel?). About two thousand persons were baptized.
The Church of England Society for the Propagation of the Gospel entered the field at Toungoo in 1871, taking over some three thousand members of the Baptist Mission. The work has been carried on from that city.
The Baptist Mission demands total abstinence and the surrender of all animistic religious practices as prerequisites for church-membership.
A Christian Village School, Prome District {There are more than a thousand village chapels in Karen villages throughout Burma, built entirely by the villagers themselvse.}
Although the Karen tribes have probably lived in Burma and Siam for more than a thousand years, in company with the Burmese, Shan, Siamese, and Chin, occupying no territory that they did not share with other people except the hills of Toungoo and Karenni, they have remained curiously isolated. Politically subordinate to the ruling races in the countries in which they had settled, except in the last named localities, they were subjected to oppression and exploitation. The inevitable result of these conditions was mutual hatred of the races. There was nothing in the religion or life of the Burmese that appealed to the Karen.
The acquisition by the British East India Company in 1827 of the provinces of Arracan and Tenasserim, on the western and southern coasts of Burma, respectively, made little impression on the Karen at the time. Christian missionaries were beginning their labors in the country at the same time, thus making possible the spiritual emancipation to which the Karen had looked forward.
In the first expedition of the English forces against Ava (The king of Assyria brought men from Babylon and from Cuthah and from Avva, sometimes known as Ivvah, and settled them in the cities of Samaria in place of the sons of Israel. It also means ruin in Hebrew. It's a British toponym & it's related to Avon.) in 1826 they served as guides and were commended for their good faith. In the provinces that fell under British control they found themselves sympathetically dealt with and soon began to take on new ways; but in the province of Pegu, where the old regime of Ava still held sway, they continued to suffer from oppression. They were prohibited from visiting their teachers in Rangoon, and the Burmese viceroy of the city threatened, even as late as 1851, to shoot instantly the first Karen whom he should find capable of reading. In the Second Burmese War (1852) they are reputed to have again acted as guides to the attacking force, which took the Shwe Dagon Pagoda, the most formidable military work near Rangoon, by assault in the rear. The Burmese knew that the Karen regarded the English as their deliverers and took vengeance on them accordingly, burning all their villages within fifty miles of Rangoon, seizing or destroying their stores of rice, and putting men, women, and children to death in barbarous ways.
Nevertheless, the new order of things in Burma has brought progress in many respects. The continual raids and forays, which previously devastated numerous Karen villages, have been stopped. The administration of justice has been taken out of the hands of private individuals and placed in those of accredited officials. Marked progress in education has been made. A new literature in the vernacular has come into circulation. Christianity has made a strong appeal to the Karen. Finally, in the World War the people again showed their loyaty to the British Empire by offering their services in its defense.
The cessation of open hostilities between the Karen and the Burmese has largely mitigated the old animosity existing between them. Where members of the two races living in close proximity, however, some friction is still produced. A number of wealthy Karens, who have moved into the larger Burmese towns along the railway line and live there in Burmese style, have to all appearance lost their racial identity. In many cases those who have copied the manners of their neighbors, experience a decided weakening of their old religious faith and its moral restraints.
The progress of the Karen in education has been very marked. Their "Lost Book" (Scriptures written by their Israelite ancestors?) having been restored to them by their "white brother" in the person of the Christian missionary, they have been most eager to learn to read it. "It is not often seen to witness such a remarkable development of a national character as has taken place among the Karens under the influence of Christianity and good government".
At the outbreak of the World War in 1914 the loyalty of the Karen people manifested itself in the large number of applications to enter military service in defense of the Empire. The response on the part of the Karens was not equaled by that of any of the neighboring races.
GLOSSARY OF KAREN WORDS
Brec, name of a Karen tribe
De nya, a lily, the lily month (May)
Ghaw Kaw Se, names of the two original bronze drums
Gai hko, the name of a Karen tribe
Hi, a house
hko peu, a headdress or turban
La, the moon; a month
longyi (Burmese), a loin cloth or skirt
Ma, wife
mo, mother
Mu Hka, the king of spirits
mu hse wa htaw, dawn (lit., the sun's garment whitens)
Mu htaw K'hou, Saturday
mu htu, noon
Mu xa, celestial spirits that preside over births
Mu xa do, one of the principal demons of the Karen
Mu xa hklew, a divinity presiding over the banyan tree
Naw k'plaw, the evil demon opposed to Y'wa (God)
P'yo, a great dragon or a demon in the form of a great dragon
pa, father
Pa k' sa, Father God (used of Y'wa)
pgho, an impersonal all-pervasive force; (Melanesian, mana)
phgo ghaw, the peacock pheasant
Pghaw ghaw, the twin peak of Mt. Thaw Thi, the sacred mountain
sgheu, the fructifying principle in life
T'nu, the destroying angel who exterminates the wicked
Ta do k'the, ta do k'hsaw, the Great Elephant addressed as a demon
ta du ta htu, tabu, chiefly prohibition of work
ta du hku ta du theh, the tabu after offerings for good crops
ta du hpa htaw, the long tabu
ta lu, a sacrifice or offering
ta lu law pa law, offerings to the celestial spirits that preside over births
ta t' su, a canopy erected over a beir
Taw Meh Pa, the mythical ancestor of the Karen race
Y'wa, the Great Spirit of the Karen; God
The Karen Tribe, Research by Parthenia Stout
As I have been studying other missionary findings of the Karen tribe from their research I find that no one so far has begun looking at them from their Jewish character: always from a Gentile/Christian teaching. It makes a great big difference. Since I have been here and said to people that they may be Jews from long ago, they are not much interested as they know nothing about the Holy Land or that Christians and Jews worship the same God and read the same scriptures. They have no knowledge of the feasts that God laid down for the Jewish people to remember God and what he did for them.
That is why I look for traits that may tell me that Karen people are some of the lost tribes of long ago. They have inter-married as they traveled from country to country and their features and coloring have changed as well as not much curly hair. Most have the straight black hair of the Chinese and many have Chinese features. In pastor Timothy’s church I see more men with a bit of curl or a slight wave in their hair.
Some people have told me they had been in Mongolia, China, and Tibet, and India as well as other countries. There is a great mystery I have not solved yet and that is why they have --so far--not mentioned any leader of the Jews such as Moses or Abraham. Nothing about Joshua or Egypt. But then it may have been so many years ago that it did not make as much impression on them as their memory of God and the beginning of the book of Genesis. Or the missionaries could not tell what they were saying!
“The omnipotent is Y’wa; him have we not believed. Y’wa created men anciently; He has a perfect knowledge of all things! Y’wa created men at the beginning; He knows all things to the present time! O my children and grandchildren! The earth is the treading place of the feet of Y’wa. And heaven is the place where he sits. He sees all things, and we are manifest to him. Here is another stunning example of what is so clear in their hearts. Y’wa formed the world originally. He appointed food and drink. He appointed the “fruit of trial”. He gave detailed orders. Mu-kaw-lee (satan) deceived two persons. He caused them to eat of the fruit of trial. They obeyed not; they believed not Y’wa… When they ate of the fruit of trial. They became subject to sickness, aging, and death…
Many people in the world do not have this truth, yet it has come down through the Karen generations, you must agree this is a miracle of God preserving their word for--- how long?
Here is one that is so Jewish in thought about God’s name.
O children and grand-children! Love Y’wa, and never so much as mention his name (lightly). If you speak his name (lightly), He goes farther and farther from us! O children and grandchildren! Do not be fond of Quarreling and disputing, but love each other, Y’wa in heaven looks down upon us. And if we do not love each other, It is the same as if we do not love Y’wa. (This is all over the Bible.)
Alonzo Bunker lived among the Karen for 30 years and listened to the late-evening teaching by Karen Bukhos who were thought of as Prophets. At the end of the teaching they would rise and extend their hands as if in benediction. AND THERE IS MUCH MORE TO THESE ANCIENT TALES.
The Karen, Kayin or Kariang people from Myanmar are believed to be Israelites
According to one of the British Israel's webs there were Bani Israel people in Hindushtan & in the border between Myanmar & Thailand. This agrees with the consideration of of the Israelite origins of several groups in these areas: Carens, Kukish...
Karen legends refer to a 'river of running sand' which ancestors reputedly crossed. I would say this is the crossing of the Red sea, the Jordan river & maybe the Sambatyon river. Many Karen think this refers to the Gobi Desert, although they have lived in Burma for centuries. They might have sojourned in the Gobi desert too. The Karen constitute the third biggest ethnic population in Burma. The Karens are believed to be Israelites.
As Yair Davidy says, Keren is a term of Hebrew origin. Keren is almost identical to Karen, especially under the lack of vowels in old Hebrew. Red Karen (Kayah) also known as Karenni, is a subgroup of the Karen people, a Sino-Tibetan people living mostly in Kayah State of Burma. According to a 1983 census, the Red Karens (Karenni) consist of the following groups: Kayah, Geko (Kayan Ka Khaung, Gekho, Gaykho), Geba (Kayan Gebar, Gaybar) "GebaR" means to overcome in Hebrew, Padaung (Kayan Lahwi), Bres, Manu-Manaus or Manumanao (is this a Manassehite clan?), Yintale, Yinbaw, Bwe, Shan and Pao. Several of the groups (Geko, Gebar, Padaung) belong to Kayan, a subgroup of Red Karen. If the Shan from Myanmar are Manassehites that took the name from the Manassehite city of Beth-Shan, the Shan clan of the Red Karen would also be Manassehite. This is specially noteworthy if the Manaus clan is Manassehite.
It's interesting that the place in Gilead of Menasseh had the name "Karnayim" (east of the Jordan) of which according to Yair Davidy (Two-Houser scholar) would come the name Careni or Kareni, which is "by chance" one of the subdivisions of the Karen people. Obviously Karen would have the same origin. What's even more interesting is that a clan of the Karenni is called Manu-Manaus, which is similar to Manasseh as pointed before. There's many more "coincidences" in names & other aspects commented in this text.
The Kayan are a subgroup of the Red Karen (Karenni) people, a Tibeto-Burman ethnic minority of Burma (Myanmar). The Kayan consists of the following groups: Kayan Lahwi (also called Padaung), Kayan Ka Khaung (Gekho), Kayan Lahta, Kayan Ka Ngan. Kayan Gebar, Kayan Kakhi and, sometimes, Bwe people (Kayaw).
According to Kayan tradition the Kayan settled in the Demawso area of Karenni State (Kayah State) in 739 AD.Today they are to be found in Karenni (Kayah) State around Demawso and Loikow, in the southern region of Shan State and in Mandalay’s Pyinmana and Karen’s Than Daung township. Women of the Kayan tribes identify themselves by their forms of dress. Women of the Kayan Lahwi tribe are well known for wearing neck rings, brass coils that are placed around the neck, appearing to lengthen it. The women wearing these coils are known as "giraffe women" to tourists. Are the Kayan the Cohen (Koyane in Japanese) priests of the Karenni? Kayan Lahwi might be Cohen Levi.
Karen children with Semitic features
Was Ayutthaya a city & empire founded by Israelites? The name aYUTthAya may come from Judah. It could be the case, since they have Israelite origin. Not all the Judahites came back from Mesopotamia to rebuild their temple & nation. Moreover, Yah was a way of finishing (sometimes starting) Hebrew names & a short form of Yahweh.
The Shans
The Shans have been classified as one & the same with Thais, nevertheless they have important differences.
Traditionally, the Shan people of Shan State (Myanmar), Yunan province of China, and Northern Thailand live in small towns or villages, which are generally monolingual and mono-cultural. In such an environment, one need not go beyond living a typical Shan village or small town life to be speaking one's own language and practicing one's own culture.
The worldwide trend to move to big cities as well as economic and security issues has brought a wave of Shans out of Shan State to regional urban centers, such as Bangkok, Chiangmai, Mandalay and Yangon where they are exposed to more modernized languages and cultures.
Known as Thai Yai in Thailand, Dai in China and Shan in Burma. They call themselves Tai. Ethnically related to the Thai and Lao. Thai Yai or Tai Long means “Great Thai”. In relation to the Shan the Thai refer to them selves as Thai Noi or Lesser Thai. This shows the closeness of relationship between the two groups. The Thai say the word “Thai” means “Free” but the Tai do not have this meaning for the word in their language. The Burmese whose ancestors migrated from Tibet called the Tai Yai “s-i-a-m.” The Shans worship their ancestors as the Jews love theirs.
In the Burmese pronunciation of this word, the “s” and “I” are spoken as “ch” or “sh” while the “m” is pronounced as an “n.” Consequently “Chan” and “Shan” sounds the same as “Siam.” In addition to the Burmese, evidence from ancient times also exists that other groups such as the Chinese also called the people of the Tai family “Siam” or “Seam”. (are these names an indication that the Shan come from Shem or Sam, in Arabic?)
12 different Subgroups
(is this organization in 12 tribes to them a reminder of the 12 Israelite Tribes from which the Shans came?) Tai Nue (Northern or Chinese Shan), Tai Lam or Dam (Black Shan of Laos, China), Tai Sa (Chinese Shan), Tai Mao (live along China/Shan State border), Tai Khuen, Tai Sipson Panna (Northern Shan State, China), Tai Kham Ti (Northern Shan State, Kachin State), Tai Lue (Lanna, Thailand; N. Laos, Xinxuangbana China—not otherwise covered in this profile), Tai Long (Thailand, Central Shan State), Tai Leng (Kachin, Shan State border), Tai Loi (Mountain Shan/Hill Shan), Tai Lai. There are many other groups who are more or less related to the Shan, but these are the largest groups who are the most closely related.
Language
Tai with dialects varying for each group. There are 5 tones (Chinese Shan have 6). The Shan have their own alphabet related to ancient Sanskrit and spoken language strongly influenced by Pali. Shan, like Thai, is built on 5 different tones. Though dialects vary, both script and spoken language have strong similarities. Burmese Shan is spoken with regional dialect differences, but dialects are close linguistically. Tai-Khae (Khe) may be a dialect. The Tai Mao have their own script, and southern Shan is traditionally written with a Burmese-like script which does not distinguish tone or some vowels.
National symbol
The Shan symbol is a tiger. The Shan flag consists of horizontal yellow, green and red stripes with a white circle in the middle. Yellow stands for Buddhism and that the Shan are part of the yellow race. Green symbolizes the verdant landscape, a warm climate and rice farming. Red symbolizes the Shan’s courage. The white disk is for the moon (does this moon veneration have a Shemitic origin? Jews base their calendar on the moon as Amerindians, Igbos... & other peoples do. In fact Shan's calendar is also based on the moon), the Shan’s pure and peaceful spirit. It is forbidden to use this flag in Burma and Thailand.
Population
It is impossible to get accurate statistics due to the difficult situation in Burma. Also the population would depend on which of the many various Tai groups were included in the figure. According to some Shan leaders there are 30 million Shan in the world. According to the Burmese military regime, there are 4 million Shan in Shan State, making up about 10% of the population in Burma. There are estimated to be several hundred thousand Shan in Thailand. In recent years there has been a steady exodus of Shan from their home territory, resulting in the creation of a large Diaspora.
If the population of Burma is 46,821,943 and the Shan comprise 9% of the population then the Shan population should be 4,213,974. The population if the Shan State is estimated by various Shan leaders to be between 10,000,000 to 15,000,000 people.
Bible and Literature
The first Bible in Tai Long script was completed 1892 by American Baptist missionary Josiah Nelson Cushing, using an old form of the language which only a few can still read. A new version of the NT, Psalms and Proverbs released in 1996 by the Thailand Bible Society. The TBS released the entire Bible in March 2003. While it uses the new script, this version uses traditional Shan Christian
language and is difficult for Buddhist Shan to comprehend. Many consider another translation that uses everyday Shan language to be necessary. SIL has plans to translate the Bible into Tai Khuen and Tai Nue scripts.
Christianity Among the Shan
The Gospel first came to the Shan through Baptist missionaries from the USA in the 1860’s. Anglican missionaries arrived in the late 1800’s. While converts were sometimes slow in coming, history has shown that where sensitive missionaries labored diligently to overcome traditionalism and suspicion, often through the use of medical ministries, churches generally emerged. From the earliest times God raised up faithful Shan believers who were active in evangelism and Christian service.
One “obstacle” to the spread of the Gospel was that extremely responsive tribal people such as the Kachin and the Lahu called for the attention of missionaries who had first come to minister to the Shan. Now, however, some of these tribal peoples are themselves able to assist in reaching out to their Shan neighbors. The Lisu have seen a whole Shan Buddhist families come to the Lord recently through their witness. In most cases the Shan believers moved out of their Shan communities and settled in the Lisu communities in response to persecution from neighbors; thus effectively preventing the possibility of a larger people’s movement.
Religion
Their entire lives are governed by spirits, and each village has several spirit doctors and shamans which are consulted for the timing of weddings and funerals, planting crops, festival, for healing the sick, and placing curses or charms on people. Most Shan are terrified of spirits, though they are a normal part of their lives. There are numerous festivals throughout the lunar calendar year (as in Judaism).
The Shan believe in reincarnation (Reincarnation & hope for a coming world based in one's actions) and that the good or evil done in one’s life will determine their status and fate in the next life. In order to atone for wrongs done, a person must participate in merit-making activities, such as suffering a punishment of some sort or doing good deeds such as giving to monks (giving of offerings to monks resmbles the offerings giving to the Levites by the rest of Israelites) and the local temple or helping out in a festival. Men have a higher status than women in religious matters (as in ancient Israel).
Culture/Society
Shan culture, language, and heritage are in a state of crisis. They are gradually being assimilated into the Thai, Burmese, and Chinese groups. Most cannot read and write their own language. There is a lot of intermarriage between ethnic groups. In Thailand for example most Shan do all they can to become “Thai” and minimize the fact that they are Shan. Many Shan are in fact somewhat ashamed to admit that they are Shan (as Jews did & do among the gentile society). This is really done in out of fear in an effort to survive, and avoid discrimination, arrest, and exploitation. Never ask someone in public if they are Shan or if they are Thai or Burmese, etc. It is only a matter of time before the Shan language and people disappear altogether.
The Shan have a rich cultural heritage and are a proud and sophisticated race. They are a gentle and peaceful people. Many of their customs are related to the Chinese, Burmese and the Thai. They have their own centuries old literature, art and history. Tattooing is common among Shan men. The tattoos are often Buddhist cantations or signs in a script similar to ancient Lanna or Khun, placed there in an effort to ward off evil spirits and protect the person from danger. Tattooing is also considered a sign of manhood in Shan society. (tattooing & scarifying is clearly forbidden in the Torah, but ancient Israel disobeyed it)
A village headman, called Bumong rules villages, and above him is the district headman, called Buheng. The headman has the right to judge in various cases and is usually an elder chosen by the people for his wisdom. In marriage customs, a boy find a go-between to ask the girl’s parents for permission to marry, and there is a dowry.
Holidays and Festivals
Most festivals are scheduled following the Lunar calendar. The candle-lighting festival takes place during the full moon of September (does this relate to menorah lighting). Poi Loen Sip Et which usually takes place in November (hanuka?). It is known for various displays of Shan culture (dancing, music) and extensive merit making activities (usually presenting offerings of food and flowers early in the morning at the temple and to the monks.
Dress
The clothing is usually colorful, women wear a wrap-around tube skirt called a longyi (or sarong) and snug fitting blouse, and traditionally wear their hair up in a bun with a colorful band wrapped around their head. Men wear baggy trousers and a Chinese-style shirt, sometimes with a turban.
The Shan are adept at surviving in the jungle, and can make or find nearly anything they need there. They build their houses and make things for everyday use out of materials found in the jungle and gather food and hunt for animals to eat. The Shan are clever silversmiths (like the Jews in old times) and weavers. They are also known for papermaking.
As the land opens up other resources will be exploited such as teak, gems, and fresh produce. As far as tourism goes the Shan State is as good as it gets. They have everything but ocean front property.
Climate
Tropical. The Shan plateau located in NE Burma is generally cooler than the rest of Burma and Thailand, since it is mountainous and higher in elevation. There is a cool, dry season from November to February, and a hot season from February to May, and a hot, rainy season from June to October.
Barriers to the gospel
In 1962 all foreign missionaries were expelled from Burma after General Ne Win of the Burmese military staged a coup d´etat and took over control of the country. The Shan are traditionally resistant to Western influence and to the gospel, at least in part due to negative experiences during the British colonization period. Christianity is seen as a Western religion and there is a lack of a Shan way of “doing church”. Western forms are often adopted though.
Doors for the gospel
The message for forgiveness in Christ is valuable to them. Neither does Buddhism provide any answer for where the world came from. Some have come to faith through hearing the Genesis story.
Devout Shan Buddhists are waiting for the revelation of another (5th) god named “Maitrea”, meaning “great world teacher”. Buddha predicted that this god would bring the final revelation of the way of salvation. Serious Shan Buddhists keep an empty room in their houses, in expectation of the coming of this god (He would be no other than the Messiah ben David).
There is an annual festival called “Kan Taw” in which the younger village members visit the elders, bring them gifts, and ask for forgiveness for the offenses of the previous year (like in Yom Kippur).
The concept of an almighty God who has power over all spirits can be a significant factor in Shan turning to Christ. Oftentimes healings and other miracles have occured after which people have turned to the Lord.
SHAN PEOPLE AND THEIR CULTURE
Part of the Shan people believe in having an Israelite origin. They are probably the most numerous and widely diffused Indo-Chinese race and occupy the valleys and plateau of the broad belt of mountainous country that leaves the Himalayas and trends Southeasterly between Burma proper on the west and China, Assam and Cambodia on the east, to the Gulf of Siam.
The first migration of Shan was said to be taken place in 1st century BC when wars in central China drove many.
Shan live in Burma, China, India, Laos, Thailand, and Vietnam under different names but always one and the same people in different countries.
In China about ten million Shan live in Yunnan, Hainan and Canton. They are known as Dai.
The Shan have their own calendar since ancient days started in AD 638. There are books in Taiscript for calculating solar and lunar eclipses. First Waxing Moon of the First Lunar Month, Lern Seign, is considered the Shan NewYear Day according to Shan Calendar.
The Tazaungdaing (Tazaungdine) Festival is held over 3 days in mid November and is another festival of light. A spectacular fire-balloon competition is held in conjunction with the festival (is this a type of Hanukka or Feast of Lights?).
In the old days keeping promises was a very serious matter for the Shan people (as it was in ancient Israel).
Shan are skillful in handy craft especially in gold, silver, metal, ivory and weaving (just as the Jews & the lembas have been).
When a person died the deceased body had to be bathed with clean water, dressed with a new or clean dress, put into a coffin and kept at home until burial. If died by accident the dead body was worn
with a cloth, which was sparked with fire.
At funeral home, people got together to express their sympathy and sorrow with the bereaved family. Family members usually cried out loud with songs of moaning to express their sorrow and grief. If the family members did not know how to cry with such special song of moaning they used to hire a professional moaner to moan in song on their behalf.
They believe that right thinking, ritual Shan people and their culture sacrifices, and self-denial will enable the soul to reach nibanna (a state of eternal bliss). They also teach reincarnation and each person’s future well being is determined by his behavior (deeds) in previous life. Fate of a person depends on merit he’s gained in the past life. All intentional actions, good or bad, will lead to future result. Thinking of doing a bad thing is also bad. Good action is referred as Kusala. Bad action is Akusala.
When our present world first came into existence it was covered with water (a mixture between the biblical accounts of the Creation & the Deluge). At first the water was shallow but in time it grew deeper becoming a great deep sea, which rose higher and higher until it almost reached the heavens. The breath of the gods made the first men and women live. When the breath of the gods is taken from us we die.
In the old days Shan believed that all diseases were either because of disturbances of the body by the four elements such as wind, fire, earth and water, or by some kind of force or power that were not understood by the people and caused by evil spirit.
The former cases were treated with traditional medicine. The diseases of the second category were treated by mediums or by witchdoctors or shamans or spirit-doctors (it seems to be a deviation from the Israelite priest).
Shan people
The Shan are a Tai ethnic group of Southeast Asia. The Shan live primarily in the Shan State of Burma (Myanmar), but also inhabit parts of Mandalay Division, Kachin State, and Kayin State, and in adjacent regions of China, Laos and Thailand. Though no reliable census has been taken in Burma since 1935, the Shan are estimated to number approximately 6 million. They are linguistically relatives of the Karen, Qiang, Kuki, Mizo...languages spoken by people considered to have Israelite origin. According to Eliyahu Avichail, expert on the Lost Ten Israelite Tribes they might be Israelite too.
God commanded the Israelites to destroy the wicked Canaanites, but the Israelites disobeyed God. That's the main reason why the Israelites became pagan idol worshippers. If the Israelites became pagan, the ones living in, or next to, Canaanites populations like in Bet-Shan that had the name of one false deity (Shan) in its own name then these Israelites living there they would be even more idolaters than other Israelites & therefore with less Israelite traditions. That's why the Manassehites living in this area, when they were taken captive by the Assyrians, wouldn't have maintained their Israelite tradition because they wouldn't have any God-fearing Israelite tradition, not even in their land & could have even acquired the name of their city's god, Shan. In the Mishnah "Beth-Shan" is considered as a center of idolatry. Even after centuries of captivity of the Israelites "Beith-Shean" is also identified as populated by the celebrated historian Flavius Josephus.
It's interesting the fact that one historical & biblical city of Israel was called Beth-Shan, Beth-She'an (in Apocrypha Baithsan or Bethsa). The Shans may not only have received their name from Bet-Shan in Manasseh, but from Bashan also found in Manasseh. Perhaps the name of the Shan people was received from the city of Beth-Shan. The ancient city ruins are now protected as an Israeli national park, known as Bet She'an National Park. The interesting fact is this city was in the territory belonging to the tribe of Menasseh. It's interesting because the Bnei Menasseh (Mizo-Kuki-Chin or Shinlung) say they come from the tribe of Manassah. It's believed that the Shinlung are related to the Karen which are also Israelites & both, the Karens & Shinlung surround the Shan people in Myanmar (formerly called Burma).There should be more research done, but there's remarkable data pointing at the Israelite origin of the Shan people. The city of Bet-Shan was, for a while , the celebrated city of Scythopolis (meaning city of the Scythians), named after its Scythian conquerors. The Scythians were Israelites that bore the name of Isaac in Saka, another name for Scythian. The Sakas were ancestors of the Pashtuns (they call themselves Banu Israel or Children of Israel and still have many Israelite traditions) & could have been the ancestors of the Shans.
oThe capital of Shan State is Taunggyi, a small city of about 150,000 people. Other major cities include Thibaw (Hsipaw), Lashio, Kengtung and Tachileik.
The majority of Shan are Theravada Buddhists, and the Shan constitute one of the four main Buddhist ethnic groups in Burma; the others are the Bamar, the Mon and the Rakhine. Most Shan speak the Shan language and are bilingual in Burmese. The Shan language, spoken by about 5 or 6 million, is closely related to Thai and Lao, and is part of the family of Tai languages. It is spoken in Shan State, some parts of Kachin State, some parts of Sagaing Division in Burma, parts of Yunnan, and in parts of northwestern Thailand, including Mae Hong Son Province and Chiang Mai Province.
The Tai-Shan people are believed to have migrated from Yunnan in China. The Shan are descendants of the oldest branch of the Tai-Shan, known as Tai Luang (Great Tai) or Tai Yai (Big Tai). The Tai-Shan who migrated to the south and now inhabit modern-day Laos and Thailand are known as Tai Noi (or Tai Nyai), while those in parts of northern Thailand and Laos are commonly known as Tai Noi (Little Tai - Lao spoken). The Shan have inhabited the Shan Plateau and other parts of modern-day Burma as far back as the 10th century AD. The Shan kingdom of Mong Mao (Muang Mao) existed as early as the 10th century AD but became a Burmese vassal state during the reign of King Anawrahta of Pagan (1044–1077).
The Burmese king Bayinnaung conquered all of the Shan states in 1557.[15] Although the Shan states would become a tributary to Irrawaddy valley based Burmese kingdoms from then on, the Shan Saophas retained a large degree of autonomy. Throughout the Burmese feudal era, Shan states supplied much manpower in the service of Burmese kings. Without Shan manpower, it would have been difficult, if not impossible, for the Burmans alone to achieve their much vaunted victories in Lower Burma, Siam, and elsewhere. Shans were a major part of Burmese forces in the First Anglo-Burmese War of 1824-1826, and fought valiantly—a fact even the British commanders acknowledged.
In the latter half of the 19th century Shan people migrated into Northern Thailand reaching Phrae Province. The Shan population in Thailand is concentrated mainly in Chiang Rai, Chiang Mai, Mae Hong Son, Mae Sariang, Mae Sai and Lampang, where there are groups which settled long ago and built their own communities and temples. Shan people are known as 'Tai Yai' in North Thailand, where the word 'Shan' to refer to them is very seldom used.
After the Third Anglo-Burmese War in 1885, the British gained control of the Shan states. Under the British colonial administration, the Shan principalities were administered separately as British protectorates with limited monarchical powers invested in the Shan Saophas.
After World War II, the Shan and other ethnic minority leaders negotiated with the majority Bamar leadership at the Panglong Conference, and agreed to gain independence from Britain as part of Union of Burma. The Shan states were given the option to secede after 10 years of independence. The Shan states became Shan State in 1948 as part of the newly independent Burma. General Ne Win's coup d'état overthrew the democratically elected government in 1962, and abolished Shan saopha system.
The Shan have been engaged in an intermittent civil war within Burma for decades. Two main Shan armed insurgent forces operate within Shan State: the Shan State Army/Special Region 3 and Shan State Army/Restoration Council of Shan State. In 2005 the SSNA was effectively abolished after its surrender to the Burmese government, some units joined the SSA/RCSS, which has yet to sign any agreements, and is still engaged in guerrilla warfare against the Burma Army. During conflicts, the Shan are often burned out of their villages and forced to flee into Thailand. There, they are not given refugee status, and often work as undocumented labourers. Some of the worst fighting occurred in 2002 when the Burmese Army shelled the Thai border town of Mae Sai, south of Tachileik, in an attempt to capture members of the SSA's Southern Faction who had fled across the Nam Ruok. While in July of that same year, in the Shan Township of Mong Yawng, the killing of a member of an NGO by the Burmese Tatmadaw, and the subsequent closure of the border to Thailand, caused an evacuation of the surviving members across the Mekong River to Laos. This evacuation was aided by members of the Shan State Army, and in turn brought tighter measures restricting foreign aid in the area as violence increased.
Prince Hso Khan Pha (sometimes written as Surkhanfa in Thai) of Yawnghwe lives in exile in Canada. He is campaigning for the Burmese regime leave the Federated Shan States and return to their own country, to respect the traditional culture and indigenous lands of the Shan people. He works with the Intern Shan Government, with Shan exiles abroad and Burmese regime to regain his country.Template:Source: Prince Hso Khan Pha.
Opinion has been voiced in the Shan State, in neighboring Thailand and to some extent in farther reaching exile communities, in favor of the goal of "total independence for the Shan State." This came to a head when, in May 2005, Shan elders in exile declared independence for the Federated Shan States. The Federated Shan States has been declared although the Burmese are still in control as of October 2013.
The declaration of independence was rejected by most other ethnic minority groups, many Shan living inside Burma and the country's leading opposition party, the National League for Democracy led by Aung San Suu Kyi. Despite this dissenting opinion, the Burmese Army is rumoured to have conducted a crackdown on Shan civilians as a result of the declaration. Shan people have reported an increase in restrictions on their movements and an escalation in Burmese Army raids on Shan villages.
Burmese Israelites
The Akha highlanders of Burma and Thailand share a similar background to the Shinlung, from many points of view. They converted to Christianity, despite their initial resistance to thenew religion, from an indigenous zah, or form of religion and way of life. Clearly, the Akha did not convert to Judaism, and herein lies the great difference; nevertheless, the Shinlung replaced their indigenous religion by a different worldreligion.
The process of conversion to Judaism amongthe Shinlung began some 20-30 years ago, when groups of heterogeneous people in Mizoram and Manipur in India and in Tiddim, Burma, started observing Judaic practices in the belief that Jewish customs and the Jewish faith were compatible with indigenous tribal religion and could in fact replace it. Their link to Judaism was through a lost Israelite claim associated with millenarian beliefs, which may have been introduced to them through Christianity, or alternatively, may have been inherited from their indigenous religious beliefs. The dual conversion appealed to ancient ties, as well as creating older yet newer identities of ethnicity and nationalism.
The conversion of the tribal peoples of north-east India and Burma to some form of Judaism over the past few decades has not swelled the ranks of the Jewish communities in India and Burma to any extent. The numbers converted are both insignificant, and almost impossible to assess due both to the closed nature of the geographical areas from which they hail, and the dynamic nature of their conversion. Moreover, contact between the converted tribal peoples, who today call themselves the ‘Children ofMenasseh’ and the local Jews in India is limited to a handful of pupils who study side by side with Bene Israel Indian Jews in Bombay, and familiarity with one or two leaders of the Indian Jewish communities in Calcutta and New Delhi.
The religious conversions among the Shinlung have taken place in two phases: the first was from different types of indigenous religions, often described as animistic religions, to Christianity, and the second conversion was from Christianity to Judaism, a world religion that is relatively insignificant in India and Burma. While the paper does recount the first metamorphosis to Christianity, the subject matter is different frommany articles on conversion in that the primary focus is on conversion to Judaism, a world religion that whilst containing missionary elements, is not usually considered aproselytising religion.
Although Christianity and Judaism in India and Burma can be said to display structural similarities in terms of their out-of-caste relation to Hinduism and their incongruity with Buddhism, numerically they are intrinsically different. Christians in India number more than 14 million souls, while at their peak prior to 1948 the Jews were only 23,000; today a total of5,000 Jews live in India5. In Burma, no more than a handful of Jews remain.
The total phenomenon of conversion to some form of Judaism in situ in north-east India/Burma probably does not incorporate more than one or two thousand souls. In the second half of the 1980s, Parfitt was informed in Bombay that “several thousand families” had “reverted” to Judaism in Manipur. There is no question that the magnitude of the phenomenon waxes andwanes from year to year.
As far as I can assess today, the actual numbers of self-acclaimed Jews in all of Manipur, Mizoram and Assam in India and Tiddim in Burma may be less than those reported to Parfitt for Manipur alone in 1987, and may actually only encompass a few thousand people.
To date, approximately 400 people having converted officially to orthodox Judaism according to Israeli Rabbinical requirements either in India or in Israel. To the best of my knowledge, no Shinlung has converted to Reform or Conservative Judaism, whose conversions are not recognised by the orthodox Establishment for purposes of marriage with other Jews in Israel.
This article will survey some of the different tribal groups from north-east India and Burma involved in the conversion movement. It will attempt to describe elements of the indigenous religion, and the subsequent conversion to Christianity. Recent claims that the Shinlung are ‘lost Israelites’ will be examined in the light of millenarian traits and the myth of the Ten Lost Tribes.
The Shinlung, who are scattered over presentday Mizoram, Manipur, Assam and the plains areas of Burma, live side by side with the Nagas and the Meitheis, who are often known as Manipuris in the state of Manipur. According to an informant from Mizoram, the origin of the word Shinlung is obscure, although shin denotes the peoples’ putative connection to China, and lung means ‘stone’ and refers to their genesis in a cave, a familiar theme in Chin-Lushai mythology.
The Shinlung represents a collective identity which includes Chins, Kukis, Lushai, Mizos and others , and tribal identity shifts between different tribal appellations according to context. According to Lehman, the designation is restricted to the inhabitants of Myanmar’s Chin State. "On the Indian side of the border the major related people are the Mizo, or Lushai, on Mizoram State.
The Kuki and Hmar are their relatives in Manipur State. The Plains Chin, or Asho live in Myanmar proper just east of Chin State". A recent complication is the identification of some Chin-Kukis with Nagas, whereas only at the beginning of the century, according to my informants, these were two distinct ethnic groups; simultaneously, tribal hostility has erupted between these two groups in recent years.
Although Thadou is the dominant Kuki group and dialect in Manipur today, included in the Shinlung collective designation are members of different tribal groupings speaking different languages and dialects from the Gangte, Hmar, Paite, Thadou, Vaiphei, Aimol, Zou and other tribes.
The subtle differences between the tribes are sometimes one of location. As Sara, a recent convert to Judaism from the Vaiphei tribe told me at a wedding in Jerusalem in August 2000: “People in Israel think we’re all the same – but some of us can hardly even speak with the others because we’re from a different tribe”. It should also be recalled that despite their apparent homogeneity from an outsider perspective, many tribes are in conflict over competing resources and loyalties both in Mizoram and Manipur.
Each tribal name is beset with its own difficulties of definition, and, indeed, selfdefinition, and tribal affiliation may be flexible, negotiable and changeable. The tradition of shifting tribal identity may thus account for the apparent ease with which Shinlung in Israel adopt a new identity as Children of Menasseh. Lebar et al. point to the difficulties in defining the better known term, Chin. They state: “The Chins present particularly difficult problems with respect to group identification and synonym”. Lehman differentiates between the inhabitants of different geographical areas by calling all the peoples who live south, east and west of the Southern Chin Hills “Southern Chin”. However, within the Hills, there are both Southern Chin, who live in the former Arakan and Pakokku Hills Tracts, and Northern Chin, who comprise nearly all of the people on the Haka-Falam border in the Chin State of Burma and in the Tiddim area of Burma, as well as the Lushai and Lakker on the Assam side, Excluded from this categorization are the Kukis of the Chittagong Hills, Assam, Manipur and Tripura, whose social organisation is similar to the Southern Chin.
After the annexation of the area in 1891, the British divided the territory into two administrative districts: the North Lushai Hills and the South Lushai Hills.
In 1808 the two districts were amalgamated to form the Lushai Hills district, after the name of the local tribes people, the Lushai, and the District was incorporated into part of Assam. Although there is no satisfactory evidence for the origin of the term, Lushai is apparently a Chin word meaning ‘long-head’ (lu=head; sei=long) according to the fashion in which men wore their hair-knots and turbans8 . In 1954 the Lushai Hills District was renamed Mizo District, after the name of one of the predominant tribes in the area, the Mizos.
The majority of those who define themselves as Shinlung, hail primarily from Mizoram, and are often Lushai, but others also live in Manipur, the Tiddim area of Burma over the official border, and in Israel. The Shinlung do not represent a culture or a tribe, as Leach so astutely pointed out for the neighbouring Burmese Kachin and Shans (1954). However, as with the Kachin and the Shan, tribal identity with the wider connotation Shinlung is flexible, members preserving membership in the Shinlung entity at the same time as they negotiate other tribal or sub-tribal identities, including newold Biblical ones, such as the Children of Menasseh.
Today, approximately 500 Shinlung individuals reside in the state of Israel. My informants there hail from the Haka Chin, Vaiphei, Gangte, Zou, Paite and other tribes. Some are content to selfidentify as Shinlung, or by a specific tribal identification, although they have emerged in the press and in popular parlance as a conglomerate known in Hebrew as the ‘Bene Menasseh’, or the Children of Menasseh, thereby tying them to a Biblical tribal appellation from a different religion with a different destiny.
INDIGENOUS TRIBAL RELIGION
While the thrust of this article is on recent conversion to Judaism among certain Shinlung, a brief description will be given of traditional religion, as it can be gleaned from documentary sources. The description will of necessity be truncated, its purpose to point out the major elements of belief and practice. Although northeast India/Burma is populated by various tribal peoples, the following account will both be generic and a-historical with an awareness that tribal variation in belief and praxis has not been specified and in many cases has not been documented ethnographically.
The Shinlung believe in a monotheistic, omnipresent god, who represents goodnes. The Lushai and Mizos call this high god panthian or pathian. Lehman claims that the designation pathian was adopted by the Chin from the Lushai “They believe him to be by nature of disposition, zaidam, i.e. good-natured, amiable and humble, but somewhat inactive, particularly as regards controlling the evil spirits”. Among the Haka Chin, the same Supreme God is known as khuazing (lit: “when the rocks and stones were soft”).
One of the ancestor spirits is known as mannasi or manasia.
The Shinlung ritual cycle revolves around the ritual recitations such as the Feasts of Merit and the Feasts of Celebration, accompanied by feasting and dancing (Lehman, 1963: 179-182). There are three major festivals or kut which are associated with the agricultural activities of the Shinlung. The Mim Kut/maize festival, is celebrated in the months of August and September after the harvesting; the Chapchar Kut is held in March after the Jhum cutting, or jungle clearing, and is celebrated with great feasting and merriment; the Pawl Kut takes place in December once the second harvesting in the year is terminated. Sacrifice and particularly pig sacrifice is essential to the success of the festivals. For example, during Chapchar Kut, the first few days are spent by the young men hunting animals and catching fish. Then they kill the pigs, drink zu 11, a homemade rice beer, and partake of the feast.
Since Indian independence in 1947, the Methodists and the Baptists in Mizoram amalgamated into a united church, despite the fact that foreign missionaries were prohibited from operating there, By 1981, 83 per cent of the population in Mizoram had adopted Christianity (some 400,000 souls) as did 30 percent of the population in Manipur. In both states, it was the tribal populations, who were infact the only target population among whom the missionaries were allowed to operate, who overwhelmingly adopted the new religion. All members of the Shinlung in Israel practised a form of Christianity before their adoption of Judaism.
The Judaizing Shinlung managed to dovetail a claim of affiliation to lost Israelites with indigenous legends about wandering tribes, and to project millenarianism, which may have been inherent in their own religions, onto modern Judaism.
“Mela Chala from the village of Buallawn woke up one morning with a dream that the Shinlung were descended from the Israelites. News of the dream spread throughout Mizoram, Manipur and Chin State; it even reached Tiddim, in Burma. Mela Chala further had the vision that we, as Israelites, would return to Israel. This was in 1951”.
“…people have been trying to return to Judaism in order to return to their ancestral land,” the informant continued. The implication is that the ancient homeland of the Shinlung is the present-day nation-state of Israel.
LOST ISRAELITE CLAIMS IN JUDEO-CHRISTIAN TRADITION
It may well be that the recent conversion to Judaism by Shinlung, who in the past converted to Christianity, is also connected to the existence of millenarianism in indigenous religions in the area
In China, for example, the Scottish missionary Rev. T. F. Torrance entitled his 1937 book “China’s Ancient Israelites” expounding the theory that the Chiang-Min are really Lost Israelites (Torrance, 1937).
The claim to adhere to lost Israelite tribes is an ancient one, which is shared by hundreds, if not thousands, of groups throughout the world (Godbey, 1930). According to the Bible, the northern Kingdom of Israel was conquered by the Assyrians in the eighth century BCE and the ten tribes (Reuben, Simeon, Issachar, Zebulun, Menasseh, Ephraim, Dan, Naphtali, Gad and Asher) in the Kingdom were exiled “…in Halah, and in Habor by the river of Gozan and in the cities of the Medes” (II Kings, 17:6).
The fate of the Ten Lost Tribes has always been something of an enigma. Although it was generally assumed that the Israelites who were exiled eventually assimilated, particular Biblical passages documented their place of exile (I Chronicles, 5:26) and prophetic proclamations (Isaiah, 11:11-12; Ezekiel, 37:21-23) suggested that they continued to live on and would be ‘ingathered’ in latter days. Hopes of discovering the Ten Lost Tribes and belief in the possibility of their ultimate return were kept alive throughout the ages.
Christian denominations sought out ‘Israelites’, both among Jews and among Gentiles, whom they could convert to Christianity in order to hasten the arrival of the millennium. The Bishop Las Casas proved that the American Indians were lost Israelites. In the nineteenth century, Reverend Wolff, a missionary for the London Society for Promoting Christianity among the Jews, became convinced that the Jews of Bukhara, as well as other non-Jewish tribes in the Hindu Kush area, were descendants of the tribes of Naphtali and Zebulun.
In this vein, nineteenth century missionary work among the Karen tribe of Burma was inspired by the belief that they, too, were of the Lost Tribes. Dr. Francis Mason, of the American Baptist Foreign Mission Society, arrived with his wife in Toungoo, Burma, in 1814. By the middle of the century, Mason became convinced that indigenous Karen worship and, in particular, their belief in a monotheistic eternal god called Y-wa, were similar to that of the ancient Israelites and that they were of the seed of Israel. According to Stern, this identification lent stature in Karen eyes to their own indigenous beliefs, which were now recognised as part of a Great Tradition. The Masons thus reinforced traditional millenarianism by working with them through Christian revivalism. It appears that in parts of Mizoram, in particular, conversion to Christianity implied the identification of local tribes with Lost Tribes of Israel.
The ancestors of the Shinlung were Israelites exiled by Shalmanezer, King of Assyria, in 722 BCE. They lived in Persia and Afghanistan and were then pushed eastward into Northern India, through Hindukush, and to Tibet. They migrated to China and settled in Yunan Province. From there, they moved to central China where they came into contact with the now-extinct Jewish Kaifeng community. During the reign of King Chin Shihuangti, who built the Great Wall of China, they were treated as slaves.
The Shinlung retained their own customs, but were persecuted by the Chinese, who killed all their priests and burned their holy books. In order to escape from the King’s soldiers, some of the Shinlung escaped and took refuge in caves. They became known as ‘The Cave People’, a familiar motif in this part of the world. Emerging from the cave, the people established a separate village named Sinlung (hence, their collective appellation, Shinlung). From approximately 1300 CE they moved to Shan State and crossed the great river Irrawady and penetrated into the Aupalling hills in Burma.
Here, they were maltreated by the king and again escaped. They reached their present habitat in India on the Burmese border about 1600 or 1100 CE, and to this day, know that their origins are different from the rest of the local population.
Parallels exist between traditional Shinlung religion, in its various manifestations and Judaism, which, for lack of knowledge, is presented in monolithic fashion, often in its Biblical formulation.
As in the Jewish belief system, spirits exist, but pathian, as creator of the world, has been distanced from them. Evil spirits have been equated with the satan. Mizos, like the Israelites, used such blood. Their ancestors had lost their written records and traditional rites and practices are taught orally through generations. This practice naturally leads to few differences in the detail of rites but the principal rites of sacrifices as well as its purpose are the same amongst all clans of Mizos”. Parallels are also found in marriage and divorce customs, including levirate marriage, as described in the Bible. The system of slavery among the Shinlung is compared to that of Israelite slavery and the Biblical rules to redeem slaves, as described in Exodus 21:2-6 and Deuteronomy 15:12-13, are considered to be parallel.
We can compare Jewish traditional festivals, particularly the three Jewish ‘Foot Festivals’ or pilgrimages, namely, the Feast of Thanksgiving (Succot), Passover (Pesach) and the Harvest Festival (Shavuot) with the three major Shinlung Festivals described above in this article. A particular resemblance is found between the Jewish festival of Passover, which recalls the exodus from Egypt and on which Jews refrain from eating leavened bread, and Chapchar Kut, which occurs at approximately the same time of the year.
Most significant in recent years is the conflation between Manasia, Manmasi or Manmas, and the Israelite tribal appellation Menasseh (Manasha or Menasha). Manasia is a Shinlung forefather. According to Zaithanchhungi, a Christian woman who believes in the Lost Tribe origins of the Mizos: “At family offering the chant is, ‘The children of Manasia offer Thee animal’s blood, O God of High’… At the sacrifice for healing epilepsy, the priest chants: ‘Release him we are above your power, we are children of Menase’…When a new settlement is made, clearing the jungle for that purpose, the first sapling felled is accompanied by a chant ‘You are obstructing our grandfather Manasia’… In the offering of some sacrifice the chant is, ‘Manase, Menase come and help us.’” His powers are said to be inferior to pathian yet a tradition states that whenever praying to God. “‘The name of our forefather Manasia must be pronounced’”.
The Kaifeng community is considered by most serious researchers as a Jewish community from the Kingdom of Judah – probably an offshoot of Iranian Jewry – and therefore not a remnant of Lost Tribes.
THE CONVERSION TO JUDAISM
‘Christ is going to establish his Kingdom on earth, in Israel, and we, being the lost tribe of Israel must also return to our home land.’ There were several people going round the villages collecting names of those who would like to join the migration party. There was time when ‘migration into Israel’ was in the lips of almost everybody in Lushai. They went so far as to send a deputation to the Consul of Israel in Calcutta, but their representatives came back disappointed. As a result the movement soon declined although a very small remnant still clings to the movement. It is said that they observe the Passover feast and the Sabbath, though they still claim faith in Jesus Christ”
During the 1970s several deputations were made to the Israeli consulate and letters were sent to the Israeli Consulate and the Jewish Agency in Bombay. The petitioners requested further information about Jewish customs; some requested to emigrate to Israel by virtue of the fact that they were ‘Israelites,’
The evolution of attachment and claimed origin to the tribe of Menasseh was strengthened through contacts with Rabbi Avichail, head of an organisation called ‘Amishav’ aimed at “regathering the lost ones in Israel”. In 1980, on his first visit to India from Israel Rabbi Avichail met young members of the Shinlung tribe studying in Bombay with the Bene Israel Indian Jewish community or the ORT trade school. The Bene Israel, aware of the claims of the Shinlung to be Israelites, appeared to be sympathetic to the demands of another group who, 20 years after their own struggle to be accepted as “full” Jews, were now also claiming to be a part of the Jewish people.
Kuki people
he Kukis, also known as the Chin and sometimes as the Zomi, and in the state of Mizoram Mizo are a number of related Tibeto-Burman tribal peoples spread throughout the northeastern states of India, northwestern Burma, and the Chittagong Hill Tracts of Bangladesh. In Northeast India, they are present in all states except Arunachal Pradesh. This dispersal across international borders is mainly attributed to the British colonial policy.
The Kukis have Mongoloid features and are generally short-stature with straight black hair and dark brown eyes. Some fifty tribes of Kuki peoples of India are recognised as scheduled tribes. This tribe recognition is based on the dialect spoken and region.
The name "Kuki" is used in India, "Chin" in Burma.
In the literature, the term Kuki first appeared in the writings of Rawlins when he wrote about the tribes of the Chittagong Hill Tracts. It refers to "wild tribe" comprising numerous clans. These clans share a common past, culture, customs and tradition. They speak in dialects that have a common root language belonging to the Tibeto-Burman group.
The name "Chin" is disputed. During the British era, the British used the compound term 'Chin-Kuki-Mizo' to group the Kukish language speaking people, and the Government of India inherited this. Missionaries chose to employ the term Chin to christen those on the Burmese side and the term Kuki on the Indian side of the border. Chin nationalist leaders in Burma's Chin State popularized the term “Chin” following Burma's independence from Britain.
More recently Chin and Kuki have been rejected by some for Zomi, a name common to several peoples speaking small Northern Kukish languages, including the Zou. which other groups like Hmars, Zou/Zo Hmal,Koms may not coopt. The term Mizo also can cause confusion, particularly following the emergence of the Zomi National Congress.
They spread out in the contiguous regions of Northeast India, Northwest Burma (Myanmar), and the Chittagong Hill Tracts in Bangladesh. They are most prominent in Manipur, Nagaland, Assam and Mizoram.
The ancient sanskrit literature mentions the Kirata people, which are identified with the Mongoloid tribes like Kuki.
The Chin probably came to Burma, especially the Chindwin valley in the late 9th or 10th century AD. Most Chin people moved westward and they probably settled in the present Chin State around 1300-1400.
An important landmark in the history of the Kuki people with considerable social, cultural and political ramifications is the arrival of missionaries and the spread of Christianity among the Kuki's. The acceptance of Christianity marks a departure from their many tribal customs and traditions, and along with the spread of English education, heralds the arrival of modernity within the Kuki People. The first foreign missionary ever to have landed on the soil of Manipur on the 6th February, 1894 was William Pettigrew, sponsored by the American Baptist Mission Union. He, together with Dr. Crozier, worked together in the North and the Northeast of Manipur. In the south, Watkins Robert of the Welsh Presbytery mission organized the Indo-Burma Thadou-Kuki Pioneer Mission in 1913. To have a broader scope, the mission’s name was changed to North East India General Mission (NEIGM).
The first resistance movement by the Kuki people was the Kuki Rebellion of 1917-19. Which was against the British hegemony. Kuki country was subjugated by the British and divided between British India and British Burma administrations following the 'Kuki Uprising of 1917-19'. Up until the defeat in 1919, the Kukis were an independent people ruled by their chieftains.
During World War 2, seeing an opportunity to regain independence, the Kuki fought with the Imperial Japanese Army and the Indian National Army led by Subhas Chandra Bose. The success of the Allied forces over the Axis group dashed their hopes.
The land of the Kukis has a number of customs and traditions.
Sawm
Sawm, a community center for boys – was the center of learning in which Sawm-upa (an elder) did the teaching, while Sawm-nu took care of chores, such as combing of the boy’s hair, washing of the garments and making the beds, etc. The best students were recommended to the King’s or the Chief’s service, and eventually would become as Semang & Pachong (ministers) in the courts, or gal –lamkai (leaders/ warriors) in the army.
Lawm
Lawm (a traditional form of youth club) was an institution in which, boys and girls engaged in social activities, for the benefit of the individual and the community. It was also another learning institution. Every Lawm has lawm-upa (a senior member), To’llai-pao (overseer or superintendent), and Lawm-tangvo (assistant superintendent). Besides being a source of traditional learning, Lawm was also useful for imparting technical and practical knowledge to its members, especially with regard to farming methods, hunting, fishing, and sporting activities such as- Kung – Kal (high jump, especially over a choice mithum), Ka’ng Ka’p, Ka’ngchoi Ka’p (top game), Suhtumkhaw (javelin throw using the heavy wooden implement for pounding-de-husking-paddy) and So’ngse (shot put).
The Lawm was also a center where the young people learned discipline and social etiquette. After harvest season, ‘Lawm meet’ is celebrated with a Lawm-se’l (on the occasion, a mithun is slaughtered for the feast) and, as a commemoration, a pillar is erected. The event is accompanied by dance and drinking rice-beer, which sometimes continues for days and nights.
The majority of Chins are Christians, with most belonging to Protestant denominations, especially Baptist.
Traditionally, the Chin were animists. Due to the work of Arthur E. Carson a Baptist missionary, many converted to Christianity. Many Chins have also served as evangelists and pastors, ministering in places like the United States, Australia, Guam and India.
A small group of individuals from Manipur and Mizoram claimed that they are one of the lost tribes of Israel, that of Bnei Menashe tribe; some have since resettled in Israel.
Kachins or Jingpos
The Jingpos, Kachins or Singphos came from the same Tibetan area of the Qiangs (Israelite Chinese) & are considered to be related to them. This reinforces my consideration of the Jingpos or Kachins as Israelites. The Kachins sided the allies against the Japanese during WWII. Was the current annual Manao festival of the Kachins originally. Kachins originally dedicated to Manassah? If Manassah is the most claimed ancestor of the Chinkukis, the local Israelites, then he could be the ancestors of the Kachins.
The name Kachin is not that different from Kayin, part of their neighboring Israelites, so they might have been united once. Kachin state is rich in jade stone, so much that the largest stone in the world was extracted from Kachinland. Gold is also found there. The Burman government has strong struggle against some of the non-Burman ethnic groups: Karens, Shans, Chins, Kachins... Is this a struggle between Gentile & Israelite peoples? Manse & Manda (in Iranian) are other forms of Manasseh, so why not Mansi (Uralic people) & Manmassi (or Manasia) would be Manasseh too? There's a village in the Kachin state named Mansi, so I suggest to come from Manasseh. Mandalay, an imporatant Myanmaran city icould derive from Manasseh plus a suffix as well.
Al-Mansi
In pre-independent Israel there was a village called "Mansi" or "al-Mansi". As pointed out above there's a toponym with the very name of Mansi in Myanmar in an area belonging to the Kachin, which, like the Kukis, have a tradition of a lost book. Hebrew, as a Semitic, language didn't have vowel really. This means that a particular word can be interpreted in more than one different vowel or none. This is the case with the word "Manassah" that sometimes has been transliterated as "Manasseh", "Menasheh... In Semitic languages the important thing is the consonants. The Kukish are just one of the several peoples claiming that ancestry. They have the tradition of descending from Manmasi or Manasia. Both names are close phonetically to the original Hebrew, although the first has an extra "m". Except for the extra "m" all the names have the same MNS consonants.
The name Mansi also has the consonants MNS, so it could also have the same origin. Looking at the map showing the village called "Mansi" or "al-Mansi" we find it in the very territory that in tribal Israel was alloted to the very tribe of Manassah. Even more interesting is that this village Arab's name translates as "The Forgotten" implying that Mansi means "Forgotten". And "Forgetting" is the very meaning of the Hebrew name Manashe. In the vicinity of al-Mansi there was another al-Mansi village & one "Ayn al-Mansi". Ayn al-Mansi is translated in Arabic as "Forgotten Well", once again implying the same concept.
Mansi is also a Jewish Italian last name.
History of the Kachin (Jingpo) people
The Kachins are of the same ethnic group as the Jingpo people in China’s Yunnan province. From the time of China’s Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods until the Republican era, they have been under the jurisdiction of China’s central government.
During the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods, when General Zhung Qiao of the state of Chu sacked Kunming and Dali [in Yunnan], these areas became part of the territory of the state of Chu. After the Chu state fell, the Chu solders, un able to return to their homelands, dispersed and settled in [Yunnan’s] Kunming, Dali, Mangshi, and Longchuan, and [Myanmar’s] Myitkyina area.
During the Western Han Dynasty, the Han Emperor quelled the rebellion of the Southern Yue and stabilized that area. The tribes in southwest China submitted to the authority of the Han Dynasty one after another, and the Han government established Yongchang county.
During the Three Kingdoms period, Zhu Geliang, premier of Shu Han Kingdom, captured tribal leader Menghuo, seven times and released him each time. His virtue won over the southern and central tribes, who submitted to the authority of Shu Han out of gratitude, taking an oath that “they would never betray the Han government and would guard southwest China for the Han emperors forever.”
During the Tang and Song dynasties, the local authorities of Nanzhao and Dali received the titles conferred on them by the central government over a long period of time.
When the Mongolians launched their massive invasions, Kublai Khan, the first emperor of the Yuan Dynasty, overthrew the reign of the Duan family in Dali. The King of Liang was appointed by the Yuan to govern this region.
When the Yuan Dynasty fell and was succeeded by the Ming Dynasty, the Ming generals Fu Youde, Lan Yu, and Mu Ying led 500,000 well-trained soldiers recruited from the areas along Yangtze and Huai rivers and launched a long-distance military campaign into southwest China. After three years of fierce fighting, they conquered this area and incorporated it into the Ming empire.
When Qing dynasty Emperor Kangxi put down the Revolt of the Three Feudatories, he appointed local tribal chiefs to govern the area and Burma [today’s Myanmar] became a vassal state of the mighty Qing empire.
After the 1911Revolution, the government of the Republic of China exercised jurisdiction over this area. The Chinese Expeditionary Army and the U.S. and British allied forces fought the Japanese army here and, assisted by Kachin soldiers in the mountainous area, they defeated the Japanese. It is not overstating the facts to say that the Kachin army contributed greatly to the World War II military success of the Allied Forces in Southeast Asia.
In 1947, the various states in Burma sought independence from Britain. That same year, General Aung San, honored as the founding father of Burma, granted autonomous region status to the states of Kachin and Shan and others in the “Panglong Agreement”.
After independence in 1948, the Burmese government officially demarcated the prefectures of Myitkyina and Bhamo as the newly established state of Kachin, with Myitkyina the capital city, in accordance with the resolution of the 1947 Panglong Meeting.
But the murder of Gen. Aung San by warlords a year later resulted in the Kachins and the Burmese being governed independently from each other for a long period of time.
Since the 18th century, the area north of Kachin was Chinese territory, including the regions of Jiangxinpo, Kandi and Hukang. In the 1960s, however, China’s Communist government announced that, for the sake of China-Burma friendship, it was making a generous gift of a parcel of land totaling 18,000 square kilometers and abdicated its jurisdiction over this region, ceding it to Burma. The elderly people living in this area tearfully said to Premier Zhou [Enlai], “For generations my family has always been Chinese. We want to continue to be Chinese.”
In 1962, the Kachin army and Kachin government came into being. In 1966, the Burmese turned against China and slaughtered the Chinese living in Burma, leading to a deterioration of Sino-Burmese relations. China then “exported” revolution by sending 100,000 educated youths across the border to join the Burmese Communist Party. The Kachin people formed an alliance with the Chinese Communist government and for many years resisted Burmese occupation.
In 1980, the Chinese government stopped supporting the Burmese Communist Party. In May 1987, the Burmese junta launched a historically unprecedented, massive military offensive against the Kachin army. Because the Kachin leaders had a policy of non-resistance, its “central government” was forced to retreat to “Lexin”, just a few hundred meters (yards) from Yingjiang, Yunnan province, and many Kachins crossed the border into China and became refugees. Amazingly, a sudden summer rainstorm in the jungle stopped the advance of the Burmese government army; only thus was the Kachin “central government” spared from destruction (a divine intervention for these Lost Israelites).
In March 1989, the Burmese Communist People’s Army, the largest anti-government force in Burma, dissolved, and the Kachin army lost their main source of weapons and other resources. In a disadvantaged position, they decided to enter into ceasefire negotiations with the Burmese government army. In 1994, the two sides reached a ceasefire agreement, in which the Myanmar government recognized Kachin as the “No. 2 Special Zone of the Kachin State” with jurisdiction over 12 subordinate counties in northeast Kachin (were they made 12 in honor of the 12 Tribes of Israel). The Myanmar military government allowed the Kachin government to rule Kachin and to maintain an army of 20,000-30,000 people.
In April 2011, the Myanmar military government announced the closure of checkpoints on the route to Lazan, saying Lazan was an “illegal port” controlled by the Kachin army, a local autonomous militia in Myanmar.
On June 9, 2011, the Myanmar government army used the excuse of safeguarding the construction of a hydropower plant and opened fire on the Kachin army, then engaged in an armed invasion against the Kachins, who were forced to fight back. On June 13, the Kachin State declared a nationwide state of war against the Myanmar army.
The conclusion we Christians have reached based on our survey and interviews is the following: this war is in essence an attempt by the much stronger Myanmar people, who account for 60% of the nation’s population, to seize the land and property of the Kachins, a small and marginalized ethnic minority group in the hills who make up only 2% of the nation’s population. It is truly a war of ethnic cleansing (like other anti-Semite genocides). For the disproportionately disadvantaged Kachins, it is a war of self-defense against a much more powerful enemy, and yet another massive life-or-death crisis facing the Jingpo people in their history!
History of the Christianization of the Kachin (Jingpo) people
In 1882, the first western missionary reached the Kachin region and converted seven Kachin people to Christianity. In 1887, American missionary Lyon reached Bhamo and started a school there for the Kachin (Jingpo) people. In 1892, another American missionary named Geis arrived in Bhamo. The following year, he travelled to Myitkyina area to evangelize and started schools for Jingpo people. In 1890, American missionary O. Hanson and his wife arrived in Bhamo and started working on a written language for Jingpo people.
They completed the task in 1893, and the language was officially put into use and popularized in 1895. The emergence of Jingpo language set the stage for the spread and development of Christianity in Jingpo region. The widespread use of the Jingpo language in church-run schools in Bhamo and Myitkyina led to the rapid development of Christian churches. Missionaries translated and compiled large quantities of Jingpo Bible, hymns and books, which resulted in many becoming Christians.
This was the basis for the founding of the the Burma Baptist Convention in Bhamo, which later established six divisions in Myitkyina, Luokong, Sunbulabang, Guikai, Leizhe, Mengbaba. In 1894, an American missionary sent by China Inland Missions named Gorman travelled from Liuku to Muchengpo in Luxi-Zhongshanxiang to do missionary work. In 1903, China Inland Missions sent a French missionary to Nongqiu village of Dongshan County to evangelize.
In 1914, the Mubaba Church of Burma sent British pastor Engram and Burmese Kachin pastor Demaonuo to Manjia village, Nongdao County, Ruili city, to do missionary work. After 1915, China Inland Missions and churches overseas have been continuously sending pastors to the counties in Dehong, Yunnan Province, to evangelize.
Since the 19th century, Christianity has been spreading and developing for over a century in the Jingpo area of Myanmar. Churches have been growing and expanding and church schools have expanded into various levels of education, i.e. elementary school, middle school and advanced seminaries. Missionaries have been faithfully committed to the ministry of proclaiming the Gospel. To date, Christianity has become the “state religion” of the Jingpo people in Myanmar who, as an ethnic group, have been Christianized. Among the Kachins (Jingpo) more than 90% are Christians.
Our observations of the Jingpo Christian refugee camps
During our several days’ visit, we experienced the pure faith, godliness, and commitment to God of the Kachin (Jingpo) Christians. Although the repeated foreign invasions and the outbreak of war have caused separation, death and injury in many families, as well as the loss of the beautiful homeland that they inherited from their ancestors, and even though they were forced to flee their homes empty-handed to a foreign and far-away place, nonetheless everyone we saw in the refugee camps, whether elderly or children, all had beaming smiles on their faces. This deeply touched us and showed us that in the midst of a multitude of trials, they were full of joy and peace in their hearts.
The name Kachin is not that different from Kayin, part of their neighboring Israelites, so they might have been united once. Kachin state is rich in jade stone, so much that the largest stone in the world was extracted from Kachinland. Gold is also found there. The Burman government has strong struggle against some of the non-Burman ethnic groups: Karens, Shans, Chins, Kachins... Is this a struggle between Gentile & Israelite peoples? Manse & Manda (in Iranian) are other forms of Manasseh, so why not Mansi (Uralic people) & Manmassi (or Manasia) would be Manasseh too? There's a village in the Kachin state named Mansi, so I suggest to come from Manasseh. Mandalay, an imporatant Myanmaran city icould derive from Manasseh plus a suffix as well.
Al-Mansi
In pre-independent Israel there was a village called "Mansi" or "al-Mansi". As pointed out above there's a toponym with the very name of Mansi in Myanmar in an area belonging to the Kachin, which, like the Kukis, have a tradition of a lost book. Hebrew, as a Semitic, language didn't have vowel really. This means that a particular word can be interpreted in more than one different vowel or none. This is the case with the word "Manassah" that sometimes has been transliterated as "Manasseh", "Menasheh... In Semitic languages the important thing is the consonants. The Kukish are just one of the several peoples claiming that ancestry. They have the tradition of descending from Manmasi or Manasia. Both names are close phonetically to the original Hebrew, although the first has an extra "m". Except for the extra "m" all the names have the same MNS consonants.
The name Mansi also has the consonants MNS, so it could also have the same origin. Looking at the map showing the village called "Mansi" or "al-Mansi" we find it in the very territory that in tribal Israel was alloted to the very tribe of Manassah. Even more interesting is that this village Arab's name translates as "The Forgotten" implying that Mansi means "Forgotten". And "Forgetting" is the very meaning of the Hebrew name Manashe. In the vicinity of al-Mansi there was another al-Mansi village & one "Ayn al-Mansi". Ayn al-Mansi is translated in Arabic as "Forgotten Well", once again implying the same concept.
Mansi is also a Jewish Italian last name.
History of the Kachin (Jingpo) people
The Kachins are of the same ethnic group as the Jingpo people in China’s Yunnan province. From the time of China’s Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods until the Republican era, they have been under the jurisdiction of China’s central government.
During the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods, when General Zhung Qiao of the state of Chu sacked Kunming and Dali [in Yunnan], these areas became part of the territory of the state of Chu. After the Chu state fell, the Chu solders, un able to return to their homelands, dispersed and settled in [Yunnan’s] Kunming, Dali, Mangshi, and Longchuan, and [Myanmar’s] Myitkyina area.
During the Western Han Dynasty, the Han Emperor quelled the rebellion of the Southern Yue and stabilized that area. The tribes in southwest China submitted to the authority of the Han Dynasty one after another, and the Han government established Yongchang county.
During the Three Kingdoms period, Zhu Geliang, premier of Shu Han Kingdom, captured tribal leader Menghuo, seven times and released him each time. His virtue won over the southern and central tribes, who submitted to the authority of Shu Han out of gratitude, taking an oath that “they would never betray the Han government and would guard southwest China for the Han emperors forever.”
During the Tang and Song dynasties, the local authorities of Nanzhao and Dali received the titles conferred on them by the central government over a long period of time.
When the Mongolians launched their massive invasions, Kublai Khan, the first emperor of the Yuan Dynasty, overthrew the reign of the Duan family in Dali. The King of Liang was appointed by the Yuan to govern this region.
When the Yuan Dynasty fell and was succeeded by the Ming Dynasty, the Ming generals Fu Youde, Lan Yu, and Mu Ying led 500,000 well-trained soldiers recruited from the areas along Yangtze and Huai rivers and launched a long-distance military campaign into southwest China. After three years of fierce fighting, they conquered this area and incorporated it into the Ming empire.
When Qing dynasty Emperor Kangxi put down the Revolt of the Three Feudatories, he appointed local tribal chiefs to govern the area and Burma [today’s Myanmar] became a vassal state of the mighty Qing empire.
After the 1911Revolution, the government of the Republic of China exercised jurisdiction over this area. The Chinese Expeditionary Army and the U.S. and British allied forces fought the Japanese army here and, assisted by Kachin soldiers in the mountainous area, they defeated the Japanese. It is not overstating the facts to say that the Kachin army contributed greatly to the World War II military success of the Allied Forces in Southeast Asia.
In 1947, the various states in Burma sought independence from Britain. That same year, General Aung San, honored as the founding father of Burma, granted autonomous region status to the states of Kachin and Shan and others in the “Panglong Agreement”.
After independence in 1948, the Burmese government officially demarcated the prefectures of Myitkyina and Bhamo as the newly established state of Kachin, with Myitkyina the capital city, in accordance with the resolution of the 1947 Panglong Meeting.
But the murder of Gen. Aung San by warlords a year later resulted in the Kachins and the Burmese being governed independently from each other for a long period of time.
Since the 18th century, the area north of Kachin was Chinese territory, including the regions of Jiangxinpo, Kandi and Hukang. In the 1960s, however, China’s Communist government announced that, for the sake of China-Burma friendship, it was making a generous gift of a parcel of land totaling 18,000 square kilometers and abdicated its jurisdiction over this region, ceding it to Burma. The elderly people living in this area tearfully said to Premier Zhou [Enlai], “For generations my family has always been Chinese. We want to continue to be Chinese.”
In 1962, the Kachin army and Kachin government came into being. In 1966, the Burmese turned against China and slaughtered the Chinese living in Burma, leading to a deterioration of Sino-Burmese relations. China then “exported” revolution by sending 100,000 educated youths across the border to join the Burmese Communist Party. The Kachin people formed an alliance with the Chinese Communist government and for many years resisted Burmese occupation.
In 1980, the Chinese government stopped supporting the Burmese Communist Party. In May 1987, the Burmese junta launched a historically unprecedented, massive military offensive against the Kachin army. Because the Kachin leaders had a policy of non-resistance, its “central government” was forced to retreat to “Lexin”, just a few hundred meters (yards) from Yingjiang, Yunnan province, and many Kachins crossed the border into China and became refugees. Amazingly, a sudden summer rainstorm in the jungle stopped the advance of the Burmese government army; only thus was the Kachin “central government” spared from destruction (a divine intervention for these Lost Israelites).
In March 1989, the Burmese Communist People’s Army, the largest anti-government force in Burma, dissolved, and the Kachin army lost their main source of weapons and other resources. In a disadvantaged position, they decided to enter into ceasefire negotiations with the Burmese government army. In 1994, the two sides reached a ceasefire agreement, in which the Myanmar government recognized Kachin as the “No. 2 Special Zone of the Kachin State” with jurisdiction over 12 subordinate counties in northeast Kachin (were they made 12 in honor of the 12 Tribes of Israel). The Myanmar military government allowed the Kachin government to rule Kachin and to maintain an army of 20,000-30,000 people.
In April 2011, the Myanmar military government announced the closure of checkpoints on the route to Lazan, saying Lazan was an “illegal port” controlled by the Kachin army, a local autonomous militia in Myanmar.
On June 9, 2011, the Myanmar government army used the excuse of safeguarding the construction of a hydropower plant and opened fire on the Kachin army, then engaged in an armed invasion against the Kachins, who were forced to fight back. On June 13, the Kachin State declared a nationwide state of war against the Myanmar army.
The conclusion we Christians have reached based on our survey and interviews is the following: this war is in essence an attempt by the much stronger Myanmar people, who account for 60% of the nation’s population, to seize the land and property of the Kachins, a small and marginalized ethnic minority group in the hills who make up only 2% of the nation’s population. It is truly a war of ethnic cleansing (like other anti-Semite genocides). For the disproportionately disadvantaged Kachins, it is a war of self-defense against a much more powerful enemy, and yet another massive life-or-death crisis facing the Jingpo people in their history!
History of the Christianization of the Kachin (Jingpo) people
In 1882, the first western missionary reached the Kachin region and converted seven Kachin people to Christianity. In 1887, American missionary Lyon reached Bhamo and started a school there for the Kachin (Jingpo) people. In 1892, another American missionary named Geis arrived in Bhamo. The following year, he travelled to Myitkyina area to evangelize and started schools for Jingpo people. In 1890, American missionary O. Hanson and his wife arrived in Bhamo and started working on a written language for Jingpo people.
They completed the task in 1893, and the language was officially put into use and popularized in 1895. The emergence of Jingpo language set the stage for the spread and development of Christianity in Jingpo region. The widespread use of the Jingpo language in church-run schools in Bhamo and Myitkyina led to the rapid development of Christian churches. Missionaries translated and compiled large quantities of Jingpo Bible, hymns and books, which resulted in many becoming Christians.
This was the basis for the founding of the the Burma Baptist Convention in Bhamo, which later established six divisions in Myitkyina, Luokong, Sunbulabang, Guikai, Leizhe, Mengbaba. In 1894, an American missionary sent by China Inland Missions named Gorman travelled from Liuku to Muchengpo in Luxi-Zhongshanxiang to do missionary work. In 1903, China Inland Missions sent a French missionary to Nongqiu village of Dongshan County to evangelize.
In 1914, the Mubaba Church of Burma sent British pastor Engram and Burmese Kachin pastor Demaonuo to Manjia village, Nongdao County, Ruili city, to do missionary work. After 1915, China Inland Missions and churches overseas have been continuously sending pastors to the counties in Dehong, Yunnan Province, to evangelize.
Since the 19th century, Christianity has been spreading and developing for over a century in the Jingpo area of Myanmar. Churches have been growing and expanding and church schools have expanded into various levels of education, i.e. elementary school, middle school and advanced seminaries. Missionaries have been faithfully committed to the ministry of proclaiming the Gospel. To date, Christianity has become the “state religion” of the Jingpo people in Myanmar who, as an ethnic group, have been Christianized. Among the Kachins (Jingpo) more than 90% are Christians.
Our observations of the Jingpo Christian refugee camps
During our several days’ visit, we experienced the pure faith, godliness, and commitment to God of the Kachin (Jingpo) Christians. Although the repeated foreign invasions and the outbreak of war have caused separation, death and injury in many families, as well as the loss of the beautiful homeland that they inherited from their ancestors, and even though they were forced to flee their homes empty-handed to a foreign and far-away place, nonetheless everyone we saw in the refugee camps, whether elderly or children, all had beaming smiles on their faces. This deeply touched us and showed us that in the midst of a multitude of trials, they were full of joy and peace in their hearts.
“We’re not afraid because we trust in Jesus.”
Every morning, they start the day at 4 a.m., getting up for morning prayer and worshipping the one true God. On Sundays, they all dress up, adults and children alike, and go to a makeshift sanctuary built with bamboo sticks to worship God. Whether it was day or at night, from dawn to dusk, we could always hear praise songs, earnest prayers and the beautiful sound of little children reading their texts aloud.
Led by their pastors, the refugees have also started their own relief projects. They grow vegetables in the limited arable soil on mountain slopes and by brooks. God also gave them the wisdom to build dams in the river to generate hydro-power for electricity. Despite the shortage of supplies, the entire refugee camp was orderly, organized, with good sanitation, and the refugees enjoyed peace and stability. They reminded us of the Israelites in the mountainous area who fought the invading Philistines under the leadership of Saul and David. No force is strong enough to crush a God-fearing people!
According to the person in charge of the Refugee Reception Commission, the humanitarian aid donated by the international society through the Myanmar government has not reached the Kachins because they were intercepted by the Myanmar militia. So the 50,000 refugees on the China-Myanmar border are facing a massive survival crisis.
Kachin Festival of Manau
The Jingpho people or Kachin people are an ethnic group who largely inhabit the Kachin Hills in northern Burma's Kachin State and neighbouring areas of China and India. The Jingpho form one of the 56 ethnic groups officially recognized by the People's Republic of China, where they numbered 132,143 people in the 2000 census. The Singpho constitute the same ethnic identity, albeit living in the Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh, an area also controversially claimed by China. The Jingpho people are an ethnic affinity of several tribal groups, known for their fierce independence (like that of the Israelites of old), disciplined fighting skills, complex clan inter-relations, embrace of Christianity, craftsmanship, herbal healing and jungle survival skills.
The Kachin State lies in northern Burma with snow-capped mountains in the far north. It is also where the confluence of the Maykha and Malikha rivers gives rise to the mighty Ayeyarwady. The Kachin State has Myanmar’s highest mountain, Hkakabo Razi (5,889 metres or 19,321 ft)), forming the southern tip of the Himalayas, and a large inland lake, Indawgyi Lake.
The Kachin nation has a developed culture or their own. The six different ethnic sub-groups belong to the Kachin; their dresses are colourful but different and their dialects also differ. But they share the tradition of the Manau Festival and the dances of our Kachin kinsfolk at their traditional Manau Festivals are a blend dignity and delight.
The traditional Manaw poles (interestingly the number of poles is ten like that of the Lost Ten Tribes of Israel) are decorated in colorful (like Joseph's Colorful Coat or like the Colorful Levitical Coat of the Israelite priest) Kachin motifs and are centered in the middle of the festival ground. All who come to the festival wear their best traditional costume and the main feature of the festival is dancing around the erected Manaw poles, quite similar to the totem poles of North American Indians.
The Kachin Manaw (Is this Manau, Manasseh, in which honor is done the festival? After all the neihboring Chinkukis are Manassehites.) Festival is a celebration of a combination of New Year, Victories in battles and a reunion of the tribes etc. All the Kachin clans congregate at Myitkyina and Putao (Kachin state) to celebrate this Manaw Festival which is one of the most popular festivals in Myanmar. The festival is usually held in January. Everybody in town joins the spiritual dance lined up behind one another.
Kachin, the hill people or the Scots of Myanmar, celebrate Manaw festival. Everybody in town joins the spiritual dance lined up behind one another.
The men look warrior-like with their swords held in front and the women in their colourful and varied national costumes are captivating. Of the variety of Kachin dances, the Manau dance is performed at Manau festivals, which originated as part of the â Natâ or spirit worship of the past. There are ten (maybe this is in remembrance of the Lost Ten Tribes) kinds of Manau festivals held in commemoration of some special event such as a successful harvest. But only five of these festivals are considered to be of great significance.
These five principal Manau festivals are;(1) Sut Manau (2) Rawt Malan or Padang Manau (3) Ju Manau (4) Kum Ran Manau and (5) Sha Dip Hpawt Manau festivals.
The Rawt Malan or Padang Manau Festival. This festival is held to ensure victory in battle. In ancient times, it was like a battle cry issued forth to recruit warriors to march on enemies.
Then there is the Ju Manau, which is a festival to pray for health, protection from harm, for offspring to carry on family traditions and other religious occasions.
The Kum Ran Manau is traditionally held to bless a family member who has decided to leave the fold and set up his own household and work his own land.
The Sha Dip Hpawt Manau is held to exorcise any evil spirits that may be present in a new plot of land that is to be cultivated.
The Sut Ren Manau or Sut Manau is the most important of the festivals. It is a grand festival to celebrate outstanding charitable and philanthropic acts by the "Duwagyi" or "Great Chieftains". Today the State together with wealthily Kachin people sponsor the Sut Manau in honour of the endeavours made by the Kachin national races for the progress and development of the Kachin State. It is also said to be a festival to welcome new kinsmen and friends.
The venue of the festival is also specially arranged and decorated. Twelve poles are fixed in the very centre of the enclosure set aside for the celebrations. six of these poles are placed upright, with two other pairs, each arranged in the form of a cross. The remaining two are then placed parallel to the ground with one much higher than the other. However, depending on the purpose of the occasion, the Manau poles are arranged in a varying patterns. The configurations on the Manau poles are stylized designs that depict the trail of ants, birds, butterflies in flight, bulls with horns locked, waves, and seeds that have sprouted and proliferated.
The basic designs however are diamond shapes and curved lines. The top and bottom of the poles are panted with pictures of the sun, moon and earth. The topmost side of the pole is cut, shaped and painted over in the form of bird's beak.
The principal musical instrument is the booming drum, which can be heard within a radius of 4 or 5 miles. It is a long two-faced drum made of calf or water buffalo leather. It is called the Long Drum or Great Drum. Then there are the large gongs and a flute called a "Dum Bar" on which is fixed a horn (is this a deformation of the Israelite shofar) of the buffalo. The Manau dance does not feature the one-sided. "Ozi" drum or cymbals as in another Kachin traditional dance, the "Htawng Ka".
The leaders of the Manau Festival wear long robes with headdresses of hornbill or peacock feathers. The headdresses are also adorned with tusks of wild boar.
The Kachin Manau festival is inaugurated by the highest-ranking chief or official present after which follows the beat of the drums and the echo of the gongs to invite all those far and near to join in the festivities.
The Manau dance is performed by two groups with two persons leading each group. Behind the leaders come the members of various clans, the Maru (Lachieik), Lashi, Azi, Zaiwa, Rawang, Lisu and Jinghpaw in full ceremonial national dress. All those following behind have to watch the leaders and follow their dance step and change steps and rhythm when they do.
The Kachin sword is an important feature for the Manau Dance and is held upright by the ancer. In Kachin culture the sword or knife is the most unique and indispensable tool of life (like in the case of certain Israelite peoples). W ith this knife, land is cleared for cultivation, trees felled for timber to build house and vows are exchanged with the Kachin â˜n htuâ as witness in betrothal ceremonies much as a Bible is used in Christian ceremonies.
It was also with this sword that Kachin nationalists revolted against colonial rule. So it is no wonder that the Kachin sword features so prominently in the most important of the Kachin Manau festivals.
The Kachins, their customs and traditions
The Kachins are considered by some (including from among themselves) to be Lost Israelites & sometimes they're regarded as part of the Kukis, being this Lost Israelites themselves. The name Kachin is similar phonetically to to Cochin, the name of an area, in bordering India, with a recognized Israelite population. Is it a coincidence?
Kachinland goes from Assam, the Hukong Valley and the confluence of the Mali (is this name Mali derived from Mwali, the only god of the Lemba Israelites? Does it have any relation with the African country or the Israelite explorer Eldad ha Dani ben Mali?) and N-Mai rivers, to the southern-most part of the Northern Shan States.
The temptation has been strong to compare the Kachin customs and religion with the practices of related tribes such as the Karens, Chins, Nagas, Garos, Mishmis and Abors. We are probably, not ready to drop the word "tribes" when speaking of the five ruling families.
Whether they belong to the same or different tribes, regard themselves of one blood and do not intermarry. Thus a Maran Chumlut cannot take a wife from the Szi Chumlut (this is a type of endogammy like in ancient Israel).
The Kachins occupy a large and fertile territory. They are a mountain people. Most of them live within the boundaries of British Burma, but large numbers inhabit the hill-country of western Yunnan, and smaller communities are found in Assam and along the borders of Tibet. The whole of northern Burma down to the 24th parallel is largely under Kachin influence.
On the west side of the Irrawaddy they are not as strongly represented as on the east, but they are found as far south as Katha (several ethnicities with regarded Israelite origin are called Kata, Khata, or the like) and Wuntho, holding the hills in the Mogaung district, and in undisputed possession of the country north of Kamaing, the Jade-mines, and the whole of the Hukong valley. The hill-tract between Myitkyina and the Kampti valley is inhabited by the Hkahku Kachins, and the Singhpo families are still numerous on the north-east border of Assam.
On the east of the great artery they hold both mountains and valleys as far as the Salween, and are quite numerous as far south as North Hsenwi and the Ruby-mines district. Formerly the large plains in the Bhamo district and northern Shan States were also tributary to them. The Kachin chief lived in his mountain "fortress," from which he sent his subordinates to collect taxes or levy blackmail on the Shans and Burmans in the lowlands.
The Assam Kachins. The Singhpo of Assam is the same as the Jinghpaw or Kachin of Burma. The Assamese being unable to pronounce the word Jinghpaw, render it Singhpaw.
There are also some small families such as the Ddrungs and Faqueers who speak Singhpo, but are of mixed blood. Pure Singhpos (Kachins) are found east of Ledo, and the dialect is spoken as far west as Dibrugarh and Golaghat (Gola is diaspora in ancient Hebrew).
The Ddrungs have a story that they were for generations held as slaves by the Dining river in the Hukong valley, when the Shans ruled that country. Thus their dialect became largely a Shan patois, and they lost many of their Kachin characteristics.
Kachins in China. In western Yunnan the Atsi Kachins are very numerous and further north are found the Mrus, Nungs, and other allied tribes.
There are, strictly speaking, no Kachin tribes. They themselves recognize only different families and linguistic divisions. For the sake of convenience, however, we may call the group of families that speak the same dialect a tribe or a clan, while we employ the name Kachin for the people as a whole. Still it must be remembered that the linguistic and family divisions are not at all co-terminous. Following the linguistic divisions we have the Jinghpaw, Mdru, Ldshi, Atsi, and Nung (Nun was Joshua's father) tribes, while the Hkaku, Gauri and Sdsan simply represent local conditions. All Kachins, however, whatever dialect they speak, call themselves Jinghpaw, and recognize a common source and ancestry.
According to Kachin tradition they are the descendants of a certain Wahkyet wa, a semi-mythological figure. His five oldest sons became the progenitors of the five recognized families of chieftains.
According to one tradition, Wahkyet wa had three wives (Sarah, Ceturah, Agar, wives of Abraham?). The first of these, Mdgawng Kdbang Mdjan, is apparently the mother of the chiefs, although this is not quite certain (in the same way from Sarah came all the Israelites, whereas from Haggar came the Arabs & from Cetura came other nations that would had a lower category).
All Kachins claim that they come from Mdjoi ShingraBum or Kdang Shingra; their traditions indicate an acquaintance with the sources of the Irrawaddy.
All Kachins when confronted with the question where this mountain is to be found invariably reply, "Way up there," pointing to the north.; Further than this they cannot carry us. A few will describe a high, snowclad mountain reminding us of Dapha Bum in north-eastern Assam. That the old Kachins were acquainted with this noble hill is quite certain, and the word bum is the Kachin for mountain. But today it lingers in their tradition as a kind of Mount Meru (the Hebrew Mount Moriah? The consonants are the same).
Four great rivers are mentioned in the old traditions (as in the biblical Garden of Eden). They are the Mali hka (the Irrawaddy), called in poetic language Ja Kdw, the golden female Kaw, which was "measured out" by the Creator with a golden spoon; no doubt a reference to the well known fact that gold has always been washed in this river; the N-Mai river, called figuratively Ja Lu, the golden Lu, sister to the Mali hka (another rendering makes the N-Mai the wife of the Mali), measured out with a silver spoon; the general belief is that the N-Mai produces silver as the Mali gold (as in the biblical Land of Havilah. Does the name Mali relate to the African Mali, the Israelite explorer Eldad...?, or perhaps to the only one Lemba Israelite god Mwali?); the N-Shawn, (probably the Diking) regarded as a male "measured out" with a copper spoon, and the Hpunggawn (most likely the Brahmaputra), of the same gender and humble origin.
All that can be safely inferred from the mention of these names is that the Kachin hordes two or three centuries up were living in the territory drained by these great arteries. (Speaking of Brahmaputra, some scholars believe that Brahmins or Brahmas are Hebrews from northern India & nepal whose name derives from abraham. In this regard Brahma could be a preffix of Brahmaputra also derived from Abraham reinforcing the belief that these areas are peopled by Israelites).
Only as the Shan power in Assam and Yunnan began to weaken could the warriors press south. But that they lived in this region probably for centuries, does not prove that this was actually their ancestral home. This was their "wilderness" where they were trained for the second and most important advance.
For centuries the Jinghpaw families had been living on the borderland between Assam, China and northern Burma. There they lived and multiplied, always eager to break through the wall and occupy the land further south. We must look still further north for the birth-place of the race. This must be sought among the highlands of Mongolia, and on the border land of eastern Tibet and western Szechuan (Sichuan is an area where some Israelites lived & the Chiang Israelites still live). Here stood the cradle not only of the Kachins, but also of the Burmans and other Mongolian tribes.
The traveler and missionary Dr. Kincaid, in the year 1837, came in contact with the "Ka Khyens" around Mogaung, being under the impression that "they are of the same race as the Karens". As already stated all Kachins call themselves Jinghpaw, but just as the Tai race became known as Shan, the Braginyaw tribes as Karens (the Karens are recognized as Israelites therefore the Kachins are Israelites), the Jinghpaws were called Kachin.
As we take a glance at the Kachin map of today we find in the far north-east the Nungs (Hka Nungs, as they are called by the Shans. is this "hka" the "ha" that in Hebrew means "the").
To the west of them we have the Singhpos of Assam. They exhibit both in speeeh and customs- a strong Shan influence, and a few of them have accepted a form of Buddhism while still retaining many of their own religious practices. Still moving south we meet the Hkahkus along the west bank of the Irrawaddy.
The Hukong Kachins, of which the Susans (Susannah is a biblical name) are closely related to them. South of these we come in contact with the main body of the race in the Myitkyina, Bhamo, Mogaung and Katha (there are two clans with Israelite origins with similar names: the Katis & the Khatas) districts. In the Southern Shan States they hold the hills and goodly numbers are found in the Ruby Mines district.
The Kachins that remained on the west side of the Irrawaddy became strongly influenced by the Shans as to customs and religion. In many villages are found Buddhist shrines, and the old remains of pagodas and monastaries are kept "sacred" for fear of the spirits having their abode in them. True Kachins adhere strictly to the ancestral customs and traditions. (They were very warmonger & conquermonger as ancient Israel).
We know with what tenacity local dialects maintain themselves even amidst modern conditions. Within the British Isles we have Irish and Welsh, and until quite recently Cornish, while in Germany we speak of High and Low German, not to mention the great number of provincialisms, some of them of marked peculiarities.
Among the Kachins the leading dialect, Jinghpaw, is understood by nearly all from the borders of Tibet to the extreme south. The Jinghpaw dialect is remarkably pure (like the Adamic language).
All the hill-tribes have had more to do with the Shans than with the Burmans, and it furnishes another illustration of how a conquered people with a higher form of civilization will in time put its mark on the conquerors. Jinghpaw is the leading dialect.
The relation between the Kachin and Naga dialects indicates a close affinity, and the same holds true of Kachin and the Chin group. The Kachins and Karens have always claimed relationship. Their customs, traditions and religious ceremonies are to a large extent identical (this says a lot about the Kachins because the both, the Karens & Chins, are Israelites).
The ancestral home of the Kachins was, according to tradition, a high table-land far to the north. Their present territory is a wild mountain country intersected by narrow valleys and deep gorges, through which flow numerous mountain streams. These are all tributaries to the great rivers, the Irrawaddy and the Salween.
The ranges run mostly north and south. They rise all the way from one thousand to seven or eight thousand feet above sea-level; but the average altitude is between four and five thousand. Along the romantic Salween Kachins hold the west bank for a considerable stretch. On the east bank different kinds of Shans and Palaungs live among the high rugged hills.
A low altar, by the side of which is seen a tall bamboo pole from which are suspended rude representations of the sun and the crescent moon made of bamboo sheets, remind us that the "spirits" ruling these luminaries are here invoked. The community can boast of a "prophet".
The house is divided into certain number of "fire-places". Groping our way through the darkness, as there are never any windows, we reach the men's "fire-place,"(like the fire the Israelites had in the temple & the fire that Jews leave on) where consultations are held. This is always situated on the side towards the rise of the hill, or else on the right, and opposite are the family apartments. These consist of a room for each married family, and one for the old people. Above the chief fire-place is the sacred corner, with a shelf -like "altar" dedicated to the family spirits. Tresspasses in this place are especially resented (is this a home with Holy of Holies similar to the Ethiopian Israelite ones that they had back in Ethiopia?).
Passing the "spirit-place", we reach the back door which leads to a raised verandah and the back steps. There are never more than two regular doors, one at each end. In very long houses a low side-door may be found near the main fire-place and some of the chiefs can boast a "palace" two hundred, or even two-hundred and fifty feet in length. Such a house is the home of a large number of families.
Chiefs and other rich men formerly had among their wives Shan and Burman women, and the children of such unions would show their mixed parentage.
Many are found with complexion and features remarkably like the American Indians, while others might almost hail from southern Europe (or from the Middle East). This great diversity is best accounted for by intermarriages with neighbouring races, which formerly was much more common than now.
The only articles common to the men of today is the long, useful sword and the equally indispensible bag or haversack. No man is ever seen without these necessities. Taken as a whole the Kachins are remarkably honest. There is little stealing among themselves. Kachin servants can, as a rule, be trusted.
Every stranger stopping over night in a Kachin village is sure of his food and lodging. The chief is in duty bound to entertain all visitors, or if he is not able to do it, one of the "elders" must do the honors.The guest receives it not as a favor, but as an established right Cattle that have died by disease are rarely eaten, nor is blood (any relation with the culinary costums of the Jews?) of killed animals used at all.
There are a good many rules and superstitions as to food and drink (like the Jews). Some water or liquor is always poured on the ground as a libation to the "spirits" before drinking (a kind of paganized Jewish tradition).
Infidelity within the married state is not common, and a divorce is next to impossible. Old age is highly respected, and the old people are well taken care of. Custom and precedent as handed down by tradition and interpreted by the chief and village council comprises the recognized law. Each case is decided on its own merits, but there are recognized rules to follow, and a generally accepted scale of punishments or compensation.
If the accused is satisfied, or regards it useless to resist, the terms imposed are accepted and peace is declared. But if he and his party, which usually means his family, feel strong enough to refuse, there is likely to be a standing grievance, or as it is expressed, a "debt". It is in the settlement of these debts that the legal ingenuity is exercised.
It is customary to fine a thief double the value of the goods stolen. If he has robbed a chief he may be fined five-fold. Anyone assisting a thief, giving food and shelter or concealing stolen goods has also a "debt" to pay. In addition to the regular fine, cattle or hogs for sacrificing to the offended spirits must be paid. False charges (as the clear commandment in the Torah against false testimony) for the sake of extortion are treated very much as theft, and this "debt", may lead to serious trouble. A Kachin is very sensitive and anything like an insult, a false charge or insinuation, is deeply resented, and may easily lead to a prolonged quarrel ending in bloodshed (they're hotheads like Levi, Judah & Simeon).
A loan is a very general and hence not a serious offence, but decidedly difficult in settling. The kachins hate more than anything else to pay taxes (like the American independence heroes). To collect an old debt is an art that only a few understand. It takes an immense amount of talking, and incidentally a great deal of time, food and liquor is consumed.
Adultery is a serious, but not very common offence. The man is always held guilty, and under the ancestral law was killed (as in olden Israel), unless he was able to pay a very heavy fine.
When a fine was sufficient, a bullock, a gong, a sword, and almost anything else that could be exacted, would be demanded.
A fine is always imposed on the father of a child born out of wedlock. The girl's family are to some extent disgraced, and it means to them a financial loss, as mother of a bastard has not the same chance in marriage (this resembles ancient Israel) as one with a more respectable record.
The birth of the child takes place in the home of the man, but he must appease the spirits of the offended family. In some localities a special fine is exacted if the girl dies in confinement. The usual articles, cattle, swords, gongs, fowls, etc., are offered in compensation.
The man is under no obligation to marry the girl, and generally does not. As long as he has paid the fine nothing more is thought of it.
Blood-money is demanded in case of murder, when an employee is hurt or killed, and, in some localities, when an unmarried woman: dies in confinement giving birth to an illegitimate child.
Murder is the most serious of all offences and the ancestral law was usually a life for a life (as in the Law of Moses). Gradually custom has established a more practical way (as with the Talmud), and if the offender was able and willing to pay, the case could be settled without further bloodshed.
When a man has been hurt or killed while working for another, the employer's liability is recognized. A fine will be fixed according to the nature of the case. If killed, say, when clearing jungle or at housebuilding, the terms are decided by the village council.
It is never regarded as murder or culpable homicide, but simply as an accident, and the fine is light. If a man has been killed when on a trading expedition for another, the employer is liable to a fine, or he must find and punish the murderer, turning over the amount received to the deceased man's family.
If he is unable to do either of these things, he may authorize the relatives to execute vengeance at his expense. If an employee dies a natural death, the employer pays only a bullock for the funeral, a gong for the death dance, and a skirt or a piece of cloth for the final ceremonies.
If a man puts away his wife he forfeits all he paid for her as a bride, and in addition must pay the disgraced family a slave, a buffalo, a gong and a sword, or a fixed sum of money. If a wife, without good cause, runs away and returns home, her parents must send her back to her husband.
If they allow her to remain they must return the price paid for her with interest, or a sister must take her place. If the parents do their utmost to send her back, but she refuses for some good and acknowledged reason, such as cruelty or neglect, there is no blame on the parents and they do not refund the "price".
The youngest son remains in the old home and follows in the succession of his father (Joseph, being the youngest also received the primogeniture. Later Benjamin was borne). The older sons receive a share each of all portable property, and can remain in the village or move away, as they like. If the husband dies leaving grown children, the widow may go and live with one of her sons or else she is taken over by one of her husband's brothers (this is kind of the levirate marriage practiced in ancient Israel), who then becomes responsible for the family. Inheritance never goes to the female side of the family. All disputes in regard to inheritance are taken up and adjudicated by the village council.
As a rule the decisions of the chief and his advisers are just and equitable. Bribery is next to impossible except in cases where a chief, pleader, or elder is all powerful (when Israel had good leaders the leaders were not allpowerful); but in the average community all are on an almost equal standing, and to bribe a whole council could not be done without detection. Moreover, the parties concerned need not abide by the verdict if they consider it unjust. They can always appeal to the public, and if they can secure a following they can force a reconsideration of the whole case.
In the glorious days of old, which a Kachin, like most other people, regards as the golden age, there was often war to the knife and the knife to the hilt. Feuds innumerable are still on the list.
No case of importance is ever settled without a sacrifice. The contending parties eat and drink together, dip their swords in the blood, and take an oath that there is eternal peace between them. The losing side always pays for the feast, and there is a special bullock sacrificed by the winning side, to announce the joyous fact that they have been victorious.
Formerly slavery was very common, and the chiefs and the well-to-do had numerous slaves who did most of their work. Prisoners of war, "witches," (this is a similar dislike for witches like that of Israel) impecunious and undesirable individuals and families, would be sold or disposed of as slaves. Shans, Burmans and Chinamen would be found among their number.
Ordinarily the bondmen were well treated; in fact they were regarded, and looked upon themselves, as a part of the family.
The price paid for a bride included a slave, and her parents gave one as a part of the dowry. Refractory slaves would be beaten, put in stocks, or as a last resort, sold. The worst would be sold to the Chins who sometimes bought them for their annual sacrifices.
The most effective threat to an unruly slave was this, "Do you wish to go to Chinland?" which implied that unless he behaved he might become a sacrifice to the Chin divinities. A slave could always be redeemed (as in old Israel). A usual method when prisoners of war had been enslaved, was for relatives or friends to capture some from the owner's side and thus force an exchange.
Abram Praying
Threshing is done by the methods employed in Egypt and Palestine in the days of Abraham. The threshing floor is in the open, buffaloes tramp out the grain and the winnowing is by the hand-shovel.The straw is accounted of no value and is burned.
Gold, silver, copper, iron, lead, amber, jade and marble, are found within Kachin territory. The famous amber mines in the Hukong district are owned by Kachin chiefs, but most of the work is done by adventurers from Assam and China. The amber is of good quality, and was formerly found in large quantities. The rich jade mines north-east of Kamaing, also belong to Kachin chiefs.
Some gold-washing is done north of Myitkyina, in the Hukong valley, and in the Northern Shan States. Gold-bearing streams are found nearly everywhere. The gold is of good quality, but comes in small quantities. The story is that the natives are afraid of arousing the gold- thirst of the white man, and thus conceal the place and bring only a moderate amount to the market. Silver, copper and lead are found in various localities, but the pits or mines are not worked.
The cross-bow in the hands of a good "archer" or "shot" is an effective weapon. Heads might be cut off the fallen enemies to be displayed at the "dance of victory". The "dance of victory" has in most communities not been held for almost a generation. This wild, picturesque war-dance, reminding us of the American Indians, will probably never again be seen in its former glory in the fast changing Kachinland.
The social life in a Kachin community centers around such public events as a wedding or a funeral, and the customs connected with their religion. All the dancing is connected with some religious custom, or some event from which the religious element must not be absent.
There are three kinds of dance: the "burial dance", the "prosperity dance", and the "dance of victory". The "burial dance", which seems to be the original, is given by chiefs some time after a funeral. The "prosperity dance" is given as a thanksgiving for good fortune. The "dance of victory" celebrates some signal success in warfare. The religious side is always present and the priest and especially the jaiwa, (a kind of high-priest), is the real leader. When all is over and the dance is ready to break up, a cow is sacrificed, and a large yam, nicknamed a "pig", is placed near the dead animal.
A supposedly crazy man comes and carries away the "pig" and this closes the great event (maybe because it's crazy to be related with pigs, they carry a kind of bad connotation as the Jews regard them to be).
The morning after the close of the dance is performed a special offering, usually a white fowl. Three gongs of different tonal power are beaten to keep time. There is a tradition of a " lost book" (this is like the lost book of the Chinkukis that was no other than the Torah scrolls).
The months are strictly lunar months (like the Jews) & are counted from one new moon to the next. The months are nearly all named after trees or flowers blossoming at certain seasons.
Our hillman has names for most of the things growing in the jungle. He uses a number of plants, roots and herbs for medicinal purposes. It is only in the case of sores, ulcers and the like, that he applies remedies. In more severe cases he is a "faith-healer".
When the great religious dance is given, the professional story-teller (jaiwa), rehearses the whole creation story. Originally, "before the beginning", there was no heaven or earth (this resembles the story of the Creation of Genesis). There existed only wind, clouds, and a mysterious female half human and half avian. From these agencies were brought forth by a generative process the first cosmic matter and the primitive spirits (as in the Bible the division of the earth came much later after the Creation).
The first spirits, Kringkrawn and Kringnawn, brought forth the first seven nats (lower forms of spirits). This mysterious pair also gave birth to the first reptiles, birds and wild animals. Having thus in eight successive births given existence to the primitive nats and first animal life, the earth itself was given form and order, but the present division of land and water came much later.
Two great spirits, Chydnun and Woishun, now appeared. Chydnun gave birth to nine new nats, and at nine successive births brought forth the elemental parts of our world. After each birth she again became a "maiden" (or a virgin), and having nine times returned to maidenhood, she bore Hpung Un and Hpung An, after which she became the mother of the "nine brothers," who play a very important part in Kachin traditions. At last she gave birth to a monstrous being named Ninggawn wa Mdgam. The mother was in birth-pain for seven years, and he held at his birth a great hammer (somehow related to the viking tradition).
Ninggawn wa, with the tools in his possession, gave the present form and shape to Kachinland. He began at Mdjoi Shingra Bum (the Eden of Kachin tradition), and has to his credit only the territory east of the Irrawaddy as far south as the Loi sip saw.
Having given birth to Ninggawn wa his mother (Chydnun) brought forth a great pumpkin which the "Omniscient One" from the part to the right created the first man, from the left half came the first woman.
The Great Flood. Some time after Minggawn wa had finished his creative work and appointed dwelling places for the different races, he started to build a huge stone bridge across the Irrawaddy, the foundation of which can still be seen a few miles north of Myitkyina. His nine brothers, already mentioned, moved with envy because of the great achievements of their younger brother, determined to undo the work. So they came one day and said to him, "Your mother is dead, return home" (this 9 brothers are almost the same number, 10, as the number of patriarchs of the Israelite tribes that were jelous of Joseph's primogeniture & that lied their father Jacob telling him that Joseph was dead). "Your father is dead, come back."
Realizing that he had been deceived, he determined to take vengeance on his brothers. He caused a great deluge intending to extinguish every form of life (the scriptural deluge was also aimed at destroying every form of life). The brothers, however, were not drowned.
A new race grew up, somewhat different from the antediluvian, the one now inhabiting the world. Man was born immortal, but because of a foolish desire to play with death, and deceive the spirit holding the "cord of life", illness, old age and decease were imposed as a punishment by the "Spirit of the Sun".
When men had become mortal a number of cattle came and devoured the "life-giving fruit" human race immortal. When mankind complained, the cattle promised to be willing always to be sacrificed in their behalf. Thus are cattle offered as substitutes for men.
The lost Book. What is behind the tradition is impossible to say, but it may in the case of the Karens, at least, represent a faint echo of a higher form of civilization (the Israelite civilization, after all the Karens are Israelites).
The world had been set in order and the different races assigned their respective homes. Since that day the Kachins have had no written book; the great priests and story-tellers keep its contents in their minds, and repeat it all at the great feasts. It contains the only authentic record of creation, the flood, different human races, the origin of the nats (spirits), and tells us all about their work and worship (similar to the Torah).
Everything in the realm of nature has a supernatural cause. There is nothing before which a Kachin stands in greater awe than thunder and lightning (like the Vikings). It is to him expressive of the greatest imaginable power in the upper regions. If the arc of the rainbow is complete it is not likely to rain the day following; if it is "broken", or very faint, "it may or may not rain", which is a safe prognostication.
The universe is divided into its three natural divisions: the heavens above, the earth, and the underworld. The Kachins also believe in a "far off country" (is this far off country the Holy Land of Israel?).
A one-day holiday is always declared after a fire (the Kachins love fire like the Gypsies & other Israelites do. Perhaps this is because for the ancient Israelites, in the rituals performed in the temple fire was an important part as in the case of lighting candles of current Jews...) when no work must be done, and those who feel so inclined propitiate the "fates" (this is like divine punishment for not keeping the Sabbath).
The Kachins have personified envy and jealousy more distinctly than any other human failing. The source of it all is traced to an incident reminding us of Cain and Abel.
It is difficult to induce a Kachin to reveal the mysteries of his faith. From a secret dread of the nats he will keep back, even when closely questioned. The ordinary Kachin is no more familiar with the intricacies of his elaborate ritual than are the uninitiated with the particulars belonging to higher forms of faith.
He follows the leadership of the priests, and those that attend to the sacrificial service. It is enough for him to observe the rules and regulations elaborated by custom and usage from ancestral times.
The hill tribes have for centuries been in contact with the great oriental religions; but neither Buddhism, Confucianism nor Hinduism have attracted or influenced them in any important particulars (is this because they're faithful to their ancestral paganized Judaism?).
Back of the spirit worship in its most developed forms we find ancestor worship, nekrolatry, the fear of the departed, the awe in the presence of death (in a different way ancient Israel avoided being close to dead people. The Israelites had a deep respect & love for their ancestors. Gypsies are also regarded as Israelites & in fact as proof of their love for their ancestors the worst insult to them is if you say something negative to their ancestors. The Jews & Mormons are today the most remarkable genealogists).
Spirits, demons, shades or nats, are innumerable. They rule the sun, the moon and the sky. They dwell on every mountain top (the Israeli Temple Mount, or the ruins of the Israelite Temple of Solomon are on top of a mountain. Moses received the Ten Commandments on top of mount Horeb. The great sacrifice that Abraham was to perform with his son Isaac was to be on mount Moriah, were the Israelite temple was later built), in every spring, lake or stream.
Solomon's temple
Every waterfall, cave or precipitous rock will have its guardian, as well as every wood, field or large tree (the Israelites gave a great importance to trees as well. At Hebron, Abraham built an altar under one tree, and there Yhwh appeared to him. Mormons have a special place called the Sacred Grove). Each village, tribe or family, may have their particular divinities. The supernatural intruders have only a distant relationship with the fairies, fates, kobolds, trolls and hobgoblins of mediaeval Europe.
The Kachins live in constant dread of the nats, who are always ready to take revenge if trespasses. If the usual sacrifices are withheld; if a vessel, shrine or altar belonging to the sacrificial service has been desecrated; if anyone has stepped into the place set apart for the guardian household nats (this is like a paganized Judaism with rules for every minute situation). Houses will burn, fields be devastated, the crops will fail, bad luck will follow every undertaking, illness or epidemics will visit men and beasts, and misery, poverty and death will follow.
The nats alone can re-establish fortune and happiness and in the case of disease administer the remedies; but not being of a compassionate nature (the God of the Old Testament seemed to be a god of justice more than of mercy), they never render assistance unless properly propitiated. Thus the life of a Kachin is one long struggle against adverse powers, one continuous effort to keep on the good side of the always troublesome nats (this resembles strikingly the curses & plagues promised to wicked Israel).
The use of charms and amulets goes back to ancestral times; but the objects now used are mostly obtained from the Shans and Chinese (as eating pork & other pagan traditions). Tatooing is a late introduction (did it take long to introduce tattooing because the Torah forbids it?). Trees, rocks or animals are never worshipped even though they may be regarded as inhabited by nats, and no images of any kind are ever made or used (as prescribed in Leviticus).
The priesthood. In every village are found certain individuals attending to the religious need of the community. They are as a rule the most intelligent and best informed. There is no ecclesiastical organization, but certain grades are recognized, and the duties of each are clearly defined (as in the Israelite priesthood where the Levite has his duties, the Kohathite his...). The priest alone is familiar with the religious language chanted at the sacrificial service.
There are special formulas, addressing the different orders of nats, celestial, terrestrial and ancestral, and only the initiated are familiar with contents and phraseology (a paganized Israelite religion). The priest is generally a leading diviner (a deviation from the Israelite prophet), who ascertains what offering is required.
The highest religious authority is the Jaiwa (was it named after Jaweh to whom this person was supposed to talk to?), a kind of high-priest, who officiates on special occasions. He is usually an old, gray-haired man. He is familiar with everything concerning history, tradition and religion. At a great wedding or at the religious dance, he rehearses the whole Kachin history, from creation to our own times, taking three days and nights for this really marvellous feat of memory.
He is supposed never to make a mistake as to form and substance. A large part of the vocabulary is antiquated, or echoes reminiscences from an earlier past, but it is understood by "the elders" (as in the Jewish diaspora Hebrew or Aramaic languages were still understood by the elders, but not by most others) and is used among them in general conversation.
Anyone wishing to become a Jaiwa, or a priest, must learn the formulas and pay the price for instruction. The Jaiwa is liberally paid for his services, usually with cattle and gongs.
Next to the Jaiwa comes the regular priest. Three grades may be recognized (as in the Israelite priesthood): those who can pronounce a blessing on ordinary occasions; those authorized to sacrifice to the ancestral spirits; and those who minister to the terrestrial and celestial nats. The first class can offer only water, liquor, eggs and dried fish; the second class can in addition to these offer fowls and pigs, while the third reaches the height of sacrificing cattle, particularly buffaloes.
Ordinarily the priest officiates in his everyday garb, but when addressing the celestial nat he may put on something of a robe or gown, waving before him a bunch of tall elephant grass. A part of the hind-quarter of the animal sacrificed goes to the priest for his services.
As a subordinate and assistant to the priest comes the hkinjawng, who officiates at the putting up of the altar, and cutting up of the sacrifice. If fowls are offered he hangs them at the altar in small baskets, and after the blessing is pronounced kills them by strangling.
The arranging of the leaves used for wrapping purposes, and the kind of meat to be placed on each has been developed into a fine art. He takes a small piece of each part of the sacrifice, and wraps them up in small packages and presents them on the altar.
When offerings are made to the celestial nats, only men are admitted. It then becomes his duty to kill (usually to spear) the sacrifice. In addition the assistant attends to the pouring of the libations, keeps the kettles boiling, and in general does the menial work of the occasion.
The medium (prophet) and diviner may officiate (in the same way Israelite priests didn't necessarily interfere with the priests' job) in a religious capacity. Their work is not confined to the religious sphere. Divination is always an important part in every case when offerings are made; but this may, and generally is, attended to by the priests.
The Kachin nats are not over particular as to what is offered. When hogs or cattle are sacrificed, only a very small portion goes to the nats. The individual sacrificing, the chief and the priests, appropriate the most desirable portions, and the whole village has a feast. The nat in question is supposed to be satisfied with the "life", which is housed and kept "a hundred years" in the celestial stables.
We have a general idea of the places sacred to the nats, and mentioned the shrines or altars used as receptacles for the offerings. It is difficult to describe these altars as they bear no resemblance to anything we give this name. They are rather small tables or shelves, made in a rude and crude way of wood and bamboo.
Taking the altar of the nat of heaven as a sample, we begin with a small log freshly cut from the jungle; this, having the length of eight or nine feet, is split about two-thirds down into four parts that are bent outward for the support of a wicker shelf or table about a foot and a half square.
Small bunches of elephant grass are tied to the corners of this shelf and the whole is raised and fixed in the ground.The crosses to which cattle are tied when sacrificed are made up of two heavy pieces of timber, fixed in the ground and tied together so as to form a St. Andrew's cross. The sacrifice is not hung up on the cross, but only tied to it while killed.
The number of nats is legion. They have existed from the earliest dawn of day. The Kachins admit that their religion keeps them poor. They profess no love or real reverence for the nats; it is fear of the invisible nats, and a dread of the consequences of neglecting them, that is at the bottom of all their religious doings (this is the result of dissobeying the Torah)
The festivals and sacrifices connected with sowing and harvest are especially illustrative of the care taken to secure the goodwill of the guardians of home and village. Just before the time of sowing a great festival is held at the village entrance. Towards evening a fowl or some dried fish is buried in the enclosure for the earth-nat.
In some localities a cow or a pig is given and buried if by divination it is ascertained that such offerings are required. The priest having finished the ceremony reverently goes backward when he leaves. A four days holiday follows, during which time no work is done. At the close of the four days the diviner determines what particular household will have the privilege to begin the sowing. The chosen family makes a start and two more holidays follow.
During this time offerings of eggs, fowls and liquor are in order. When the grain is about half grown there is another festive period of four days, but less sacred than the first. There is another communal sacrifice headed by the chief, and offerings are presented according to the wishes of the nats as made known by divination. The long pole, hung with chicken baskets always seen at the beginning of the dry season at the village entrance, dates from this sacrifice. When the grain is ripening the "first fruit" is gathered and eaten by the family that made the first sowing.
Then "new rice", the feast of the new rice, can be prepared and eaten by all. A part of the ceremony is that unripe rice is roasted and eaten by the family and friends. This is a time of general rejoicing and families come together in re-union. During the time of harvest and threshing a kind of thanksgiving is observed (Thanksgiving comes from Psalms). The "spirit of the rice" is invoked and urged to remain in the granary, that there may be no loss, and that seed for the following year may be abundant. With the carrying home of the grain the last ceremony of the year takes place.
It will be seen that nearly all the regular holiday seasons are connected with the labor of the fields (similar to olden Israel). These days and seasons are as follows:
(1) Two days after the highland paddy-hut (yi wa) has been built by the whole community for the chief; usually the last part of March or early in April (is this a kind of Sukkot?). This holiday is not observed in some localities. (2) Two days when setting fire to the jungle clearing. (3) Four days just before sowing. This is the most solemn occasion of the year and the great sacrifice of the chief takes place. (4) Two days after the first family has started the sowing. (5) Four days when the grain is growing. (6) Two days after the rice field belonging to the chief has been reaped by communal labor.
Ideas of a Supreme Being. While thus the everyday religion of the Kachins is spirit worship they have apparently always had an idea of a supreme power. A great spirit (a similar concept to that of the Amerindians), Karat Kdsang, is above all the nats, and he alone is the original Creator, he is the Supreme One. Several names are given to him, among them the Omniscient One (similar to the Judeochristian concept).
The Supreme One never had a human birth and how he came into existence no one can tell. Still the Creator, the Omniscient One, the One Higher than the Clouds and the Supreme One, are one and the same. It is true that a Kachin is hopelessly lost when attempting to explain how this one being could be born.
All a Kachin really claims to know is that there is someone higher and greater than the nats. No one can know his abode or divine his will. He is immortal, omniscient, omnipotent and omnipresent, and this is never affirmed of the nats (clearly a different form of monotheism).
The belief in a heaven seems to be quite prominent. The Nagas, Chins and Kachins are in most other particulars very nearly alike, and their religious ideas are almost identical (I believe the three are Israelite peoples). There is a selection according to the life lived in this world, where the 'good' go to one place and the bad to another. This indicates a development in religious ideas far beyond the conception of the Kachins (the Israelite religion).
After naming the child comes the navel-cutting ceremony. A sharp splint of bamboo is cut from a post in the wall and is used as a knife (this resembles circumcision).
On the fourth or the third day the village priests, neighbours and friends gather for the ceremony of presenting the new born child to the family nats. A priest places some dried fish and meat, a dried mole or rat, some liquor and malted rice before the household nats, asking their favor and protection in behalf of the new member of the family.
Having presented the child to the supernatural guardians, an old man or woman takes the new arrival for the presentation to the sun (ancient Israelites also became sun worshippers). Starting from the place opposite the family altar, the child is carried past the chief fire-place and then taken back again.
On the day when the child is presented to the family nats the mother performs her purification and again takes her place in the community. The husband, or some delegated male member of the family, takes a spear, and the woman her soiled garments, and both proceed to the village spring, where the woman in silence washes herself and the clothing. Returning, the woman goes first and the man follows. (This resembles the old Israelite religion).
There is always a certain amount of disgrace attached to marrying a "bastard-mother" (as in Israelism).
The parents of the contracting parties settle all the details and the young people have nothing to say about it (as in Israelism). If her husband dies, she goes by right to the next younger brother, or else becomes the servant of the household, unless it is agreed to give her to some near relative (as in Israelism). Polygamy is permitted, but not at all common. It costs too much to procure a new wife, and very few can afford to pay for more than one. Most men who have more than one wife have come into possession by "picking up widows" left by brothers or near relatives (as in ancient Judaism).
According to strict ancestral custom persons having the same family name can never intermarry. All relationship is reckoned from the male side; the woman's identity is lost the moment she unites with her husband and his family (as in ancient Israelite religion). Consanguinity is strictly forbidden,
(1) With a father's sister's child, as the blood of her fathers (that of her brothers), is still in her veins even though by law she bears a different name.
(2) A paternal uncle's children, as they are "brothers and sisters" having the same surname. There is no word for cousin on the paternal side, all are brothers and sisters; a father's sister's children are also (this resembles the Torah's prohibitions of marriage or sexual relations with relatives) brothers and sisters, but all children of the mother's sisters are cousins.
(3) A mother's sister's child, as they are cousins, and may be "brothers and sisters", as she may marry in the same family as the mother.
These restrictions are not violated; it would be a great disgrace to disregard them. Marriages of sisters and half-sisters has apparently never been practiced, and the generally prohibited degrees of intermarriage are observed.
There are two ways of procuring a wife: abduction, and a formal proposal. The former method is resorted to if the maiden's family are unreasonable and ask too much for their daughter. In that case the man's family send some emissaries to the girl's village, who there secure the assistance of an "elder" and some of the young people. The girl in question is led by a decoy to the village of the young man.
There she is forced through the religious ceremony and is bound for life. But if the parents follow and arrive before she has passed the sacred elephant grass they can prevent the marriage. As a rule, however, the matter is settled in a peaceful way. The elder, who is in the secret, goes to the parents the morning after the girl has left, he shows them the presents, and as they are on the recognized scale they find it best to acquiesce.
Young people with something of modern ideas will marry because they like each other, and if the parents object they can run away and settle down in some community away from home. When the parents of a young man think it is time for him to have a wife, or rather when they desire a daughter-in-law to work for them, they procure some small articles from all the likely girls of families with which intermarriage is permissable and customary.
An experienced emissary is sent to negotiate matters with the prospective parents-in-law. He and his companions proceed to the village and engage the services of some leading man elder of that community. This elder proceeds to the home of the intended and opens up negotiations with her family.
They particularly wish to know if they are of respected lineage, and if there have ever been any witches among them. The presents as a rule consist of a dried squirrel or a mole wrapped up in two blankets, some silk or woolen cloth. Of course such presents vary. Is better regarded a chief married than single (in Israelism a single man was badly considered. Mormons are thoroughly encouraged to get married).
The emissaries from the man's 'family are notified that so far all has progressed satisfactorily, and they now enter the house of the prospective bride, and the real bargaining begins. The elder first called by the emissaries represents the "asking family", and a second elder attends to the interests of the "giving family". The question, how much to pay for the girl is the all absorbing subject.
The first elder tries to procure the damsel as cheaply as possible, while the second elder argues for a liberal allowance. The price for the daughter of a chief in the good old times use to be: one bullock; rupees one hundred "viss of silver"; one slave, to carry on the work formerly done by the girl; one roll of Chinese embroidery; some felt cloth; a rhinoceros horn and an elephant tusk; a long, richly embroidered Chinese coat; an old gong; a large far-sounding gong ten spans in circumference; ten cows; one buffalo to be sacrificed and eaten by the subjects of the chief on the wedding day; a string of valuable beads, especially intended to open the "hand and heart" of the mother, that she may be willing to part with her daughter.
The full price is seldom, if ever, paid before the marriage, and it may take years and years before the last cow or rupee has found its way to the giving family, who never forget to remind their sons-in-law of the amount still lacking (this resembles the years that Jacob had to work to get Rachel as wife).
When the day for the wedding, has arrived, the maiden leaves the parental home. Father, mother or near relatives never attend the wedding, which is always held at the bridegroom's house (as in the story of the ten virgins that the feast was at the bridegroom's home).
Before leaving the home the younger sister presents her with such silver ornaments as are in fashion. If she has elder sisters she must appease them with gifts for the privilege of marrying before them (in olden Israel was also costumary to get the elder sisters married first). The parents give her as a dowry a slave and a pony; poor people give whatever they can afford. The buffalo given for the purpose is killed and the village people have a feast.
As a parting gift the emissaries present the beads to the bride's mother. The party moves to the house of the elder, and from there the procession (there was a procession as well in old Israel for this purpose) takes its way to the bridegroom's village where they stay in the house of the emissaries, until everything is ready for the marriage ceremony.
Before the arrival of the emissaries and the bride, some individual is sent, (probably two or three days before), to announce that an agreement has been reached, and that the woman will be on her way. Everything is then arranged, and friends and relatives are called. The sacrifices are set apart, the elephant grass to be used is cut, the house is set in order and an abundance of food and drink is provided. On the morning of the great day all the village people gather at the house and try to make themselves generally useful.
The arrangement of the elephant grass is an important part of the ceremony. The bundles of elephant grass are dropped into holes dug with the spear brought for the occasion.
There are as a rule three bunches of grass representing the household nats, and three in honor of the Fates. The "three Fates" on this occasion are of the bridegroom's house, the bride's family, and of the emissaries. Each bunch of grass also represents an offering to the respective nat in question.
A different priest must officiate at each of the offerings, and he takes some of the grass from the bunch representing the nat he is serving, and waves it before him as he officiates.
While these offerings are presented, the bride, who has remained in the house of the go-between, is led forth by the delegated old people, while the young men and women go out to meet her, pounding gongs and drums, singing and even dancing. The damsel is placed on a new stool on a large bamboo mat; her followers and representatives of her family are also honored with new stools on felt mats. Her future husband is now presented to her; it is most likely the first time they ever met.
The Jaiwa (high-priest), of the community, after having liberally drunk begins his recital which will last all night long. The Jaiwa will recite a couplet ending with wishing her a large number of children, and a long, happy and prosperous life.
When a chief is married the wish is expressed that they may increase and multiply like the fruit of the sacred fig-tree (fig trees have as well very good connotations among the Jews. They believe that the forbidden fruit of Eden was a fig tree & Jesus Christ himself symbolized the blossoming of the fig tree with His 2nd Coming).
After the wedding is over the bride remains inside her new home four days.
The concept of a Spiritland of the Kachins is similar to that of the Mormons called the Spirit world.
The Kachins have not been as receptive or accessible as for instance the Karens. They cling to their old religion because it is "the custom" (like the Jews with their costums).
The same family may carry different names in different sections of the country. Thus the Labang family (similar to Laban, Israel's father in law), descendants of the Nhkums, are called in Hkahku land Dutsan, and in the Hukong valley Sasan. The five ruling families are: Marip, Ldhtaw, Lahpai, Nhkum, Mdran. Some Kachin names are: Dun, Ldna, Padma.
The Chin-Kuki-Ethnic Dilemma: Search for an Appropriate Identity
An attempt is made in this paper at studying the early history of the tribal ethnic group—Kuki-Chin-Mizo. An attempt is also made to trace their original ethnic identity, especially in view of differing, and sometimes conflicting, interpretations of their past and present made by historians and social scientist.
Like other hill tribes of the North East or elsewhere in the county, they too do not have any recorded history of their ancient past. When we know today and discuss in this paper is part of their memory and oral tradition, hundred down to them through word of mouth by their forefathers.' Folk tales legends and stories of struggles and movements etc. constitute one major source of their history. The other major source of information about their past are the administrative reports and monographs published by British officers during the colonial rule.
The colonial administrators met the people, fought battles against them and finally brought them under their rule. They introduced civil and military administration in these areas. Therefore, we read the history of the tribal peoples and learn about their ethnic identity from the British records. No doubt, these two major sources provide us with a good deal of information to construct the ancient history of the Chin-Kuki-Mizo people. However, rigid scholars have questioned the validity of these sources of information and have opined that the early part of their history is shrouded in mystery.
ORIGIN OF THE CHIN-KUKI-MIZO
Scholars from the Chin-Kuki-Mizo group have recorded in their history that during the prehistoric period, they came out of a big stone cave, referred to alternatively as Chhinlung, Sinlung and Khul. In one way, they all claim that Sinlung was their original home. There are traditional songs composed after the name "Sinlung". These songs also narrate the history and civilization of the people, which have passed from generation to generation.
The exact location of Sinlung is still debated. Dr. Lalrinwawia2 indicates that it is located in the province of Szechwan in China, between 10" E and latitude 3" N, on the bank of Yalung river, 5400 ft. above msl. Mr. Lalbiak Thanga, 3 the ex-Chief Secretary of Manipur, gives an altogether different version. He argues that 'Chinlung' referred not to a cave but rather to the name of a Chinese prince in China, and that the correct form of the word was CHINLUNG.
Further, he goes on to state that Sinlung was the son of Hwang Ti of Chin Dynasty who built the great wall. Dr. B.N. Mullick,4 former Director, Intelligence Bureau of India, refers to an uninhabited territory, measuring about 16000 sq. miles, situated between north and south of Ladakh.
Through this land, one trade route via Kajihangar passes through 'Shinlung'. If Shinglung is equated with Sinlung or Chinlung then it may be inferred that the location of this legendary cave is somewhere around the Ladakh region. On the whole, it is clear that no final conclusion can be derived at about the location of the legendary cave. Notwithstanding the controversy, all the tribes and clans within the Chin-Kuki-Mizo groups believe that it is this legendary cave, which is their original home and birthplace.
With regards to their racial origin, most people as well as scholars accept that they belong to the Mongolian race. The migration route the people took to reach their present habitat and their biological properties go on to support this view. In their long history, they did come in contact with people of different origins and were put under different systems of administration. Therefore the administrators and scholars have designated the Chin-Kuki-Mizo people with different names and have identified them mainly as Lusei and Kuki in India.
Scholars have identified them as 'Khuongsai' in Manipur, and as 'Kuki' in Assam, Nagaland and Tripura. As is usual, different neighbouring tribes are known by different local ethnic names, which have been used to build up and project their identity. As far as the Chin-Kuki-Mizo group is concerned, the people accept that they are one and the same race, having the same culture, tradition, customary practices including marriage and inheritance.
Now it is in order to discuss in brief the origin of the three ethnic names—Chin, Kuki and Mizo—separately and try to find out how they came to be coined to identify these people.
THE CHIN
Not enough evidence is available to trace the origin of the name 'Chin'. It is perhaps a Burmese term as people inhabiting the Chin Hills in Burma (Myanmar) are identified as Chin and the British recorded this ethnic name to refer to these people. During the colonial rule, the Chin Hills Regulation was enacted in 1896, the provisions of which determined the Village and Provincial Administration in the region. Thus, the ethnic name became popular and widely accepted. Literally, 'Chin' means 'little' in one of the dialects spoken by the people. It also connotes an affectionate name given to daughters.
THE KUKI
The term 'Kuki' is a generic name. Some scholars have proposed that the term Kuki was applied by the Bengalis from Kachar, Tripura and Chittagong Hill Tract as well as by the Assamese in Brahmaputra Valley to identify the hills people. But, if we peep into their ancient history and their migration route to India from far east countries like Thailand, Burma and Vietnam; in fact, the term Kuki was coined to refer to these people long before they came in contact with the Bengalis or Assamese. Equally baseless is the proposition to categories these people as 'old' and 'new' Kuki. It is therefore necessary to adopt a holistic approach to truthfully understand the origin of the term and the people referred to.
Perhaps a more reliable source is in Col. James Shakespeare's account. 5 Shakespeare served in the Lusei hills from 1891 to 1905. He has meticulously recorded the customs, culture, and history of the Lusei as well as non-Lusei tribes, all of the same origin. While he does not refer to the Mizos as an ethnic group, he identifies a number of clans within the Lusei and non-Lusei groups. Till today, Shakespeare's account and classification have remained unchallenged.
THE MIZO
Literally, the term 'Mizo' is a compound, – 'mi' means 'man' or people and 'zo' means a cold place at a high altitude. According to such a literal interpretation, all people living in cold, hill regions should be addressed as 'Mizos'. But, undoubtedly, the term Mizo refers to a particular group of ethnic people. Tuck and Carey 6 mention that the people preferred the terms Kuki or Chin when addressed in public, but in private discussions they often used the term 'Mezo'. Given the language barrier between the Britishers and the local people, it is plausible that the terms 'Mezo' and 'Mizo' meant the same. I hold the opinion that there are some ethnic groups who address themselves as Mizo since long, in their own societies and outside the present state of Mizoram.
Today, it is widely accepted as a term with long historical background. Interestingly, in popular perception, the term is not exclusionist in the sense that it does not refer to any particular clan group in a restrictive way. Thus, it is widely believed that all the people who cook rice on three stone pillars. "Lungthu", are all Mizo. More recently, some leaders from within the community have tried to replace 'Mizo' by 'Zomi', on the argument that 'Zo' should come first and 'mi' later. It does not make any substantive difference, the two terms, 'Mizo' and 'Zomi', may be taken to refer to the same people.
IN SEARCH OF ETHNIC UNITY
Here we briefly examine the historical move to project the term 'Mizo' as an ethnic identity marker. Soon after the end of the Second World War and on the eve of attaining independence, there was a spurt of hectic political activity in Mizoram. Then, the main issue before the people was to decide whether to join the Chin Hills in Burma, so that they might remain with their Chin ethnic brethren, or to opt for merger with India.
For the first time in their history, the people of Mizoram formed a political organization known as "Mizo Union", which held its first conference on the 9 April 1946 to discuss some important agenda. The first item on the agenda was the abolition of the Chief's rights and change of the name of Lusei Hills into Mizo Hills. The Lusei Hills District Council, created according to the provisions of the Sixth Schedule to the Constitution of India, took initiative to implement the (Moullungtha) resolutions passed in the Mizo Union Party.
On the recommendations of the district Council, the Government Assam enacted two important legislations in 1954; the first was the Lusei Hill District (Acquisition of Chief Rights) Act, 1954, which came into force on 1 April 1954. The second was the Lusei Hill District (Change of Name) Act, 1954, (Act 18 of 1954), passed under an Act of Parliament. As per provisions of the second Act, the name of the district was changed to 'Mizo District' with effect from 29 April 1954.
These two Acts were the result of long public struggle and fulfilled the cherished dream of the people of Mizoram. It may be pointed out that the conferment of official status to the term "Mizo" not only provided an ethnic identity to the people, it also brought all clans and tribes of the same origin under one umbrella. The terms received widespread acceptance by sister ethnoses not only inside Mizoram but also by those residing outside, particularly in the Southern District (now Churachandpur) or Manipur and Zampui Hills in Tripura.
In the post-independence period, many political parties were formed, and all of them were seized with the questions of ethnic identity and unity. We may mention a few of them here. Mr. Vanlawma formed a political party, called the Mizo Union Council, with the main objective of bringing the entire Mizo people, scattered in India, Myanmar and East Pakistan (Bangladesh) tinder one administrative umbrella. Mr. Lalmawia formed another political party, the United Mizo Freedom Organisation (UMFO), with the objective of uniting with the Chin brothers in the Chin Hills in Burma. UMFO seems to have ignored the issue of unificating the Mizo people in Manipur, Tripura, Assam and Chittagong Hill tract of Bangladesh. Hence, the Mizo Union Party, the party in power in the then District Council, advocated the reunification of these people within the Indian Union.
The Khul Union, formed in Manipur in 1947-48, was another political organisation with the primary agenda of Mizo ethnic unification. The Union contested the first ever Assembly elections in the state and returned 5 candidates out of 7 seats contested. In the 1950s these people launched a political movement in Manipur, demanding the merger of their areas with Mizoram.
The Mizo National Famine Front Formed on 2 October 1961 under the leadership of Pu Late Laldenga, gave birth to the Mizo National Front (MNF), formed on 12 October 1962. The MNF spearheaded the demand for a Sovereign Greater Mizoram, to be organised on ethnic lines. The idea generated a great deal of enthusiasm and many public leaders as well as young boys and girls from inside and outside Mizoram joined the movement to fulfil the objectives of an independent Greater Mizoram. Many of the youth in fact took up armed struggle, raking positions in the war front from their jungle hideouts.
A little later, in January 1965, an All Party Meeting was held at Churachandpur, the headquarters of South District of Manipur, under the initiative of the Mizo Union Party. This meeting resolved to work for the creation of a Greater Mizoram/Kuki State, comprising all the Mizo-Kuki inhabited areas in the entire North Eastern region on ethnic considerations. About two decades later, the Champhai Conference in Mizoram held on 19-21 May 1988, aimed at the same objective of ethnic unification. The Conference was attended by many representatives from Manipur and other neighbouring states. The Zomi National Congress (ZNC) Declarations (No. 7/88), December 6 to 15, 1988, related to the same political movement in search of ethnic unity.
Going back to the 40s and 50s again, it is worth pointing out that when all the tribes in Northern India were silent and the leaders in the Indian sub-continent were divided with regard to the political strategy of the freedom movement, during and after the Second World War, the Chin-Kuki-Mizo people made a great contribution by joining hands with the Indian National Army, under the command of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose.
Netaji came to North East India though Chin Hills and held several rounds of the talks with the chiefs and elders of the tribal groups. Subhas Chandra Bose came up to a small hamlet called Rengthai, close to Churachandpur town. He won the hearts of people during this visit. Thus, when the INA soldiers came to Manipur in 1944, these tribes joined hands with the INA. They had entered into some sort of mutual understanding with INA in respect of their political future at the end of the war.
But, following the defeat of the Axis at the end of the World War II and the disappearance of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, their cherished dream and political aspirations for the future set up went in vain. There was no scope to revive the Treaty of Yandaboo, 1826 and no chance to reverse the course of history as two independent nations of India and Burma had been created by the Government of India Act, 1935. The Kabo valley, inhabited by these tribes, was included in Burma. Though throughout their modern history, the Chin-Kuki-Mizo people had valiantly challenged British authority (Lusei Expedition of 1871-72 in Mizoram and the Kuki Revolt in 1917-19 being the major examples), ultimately their political aspiration for ethnic reunification within one administrative umbrella met with great disappointment. The Independence Act, 1947 simply confirmed the territorial arrangement made by the Act of 1935.
By and large, all the political movement launched by this ethnic group had virtually the same objective. However, the movements failed for a number of various reasons. It is difficult to single out any one reason as the main impediment. However, it is my considered opinion that the emergence of the sovereign states of India, Burma and Bangladesh caused both administrative fragmentation and ethnic division of the Chin-Kuki-Mizo people. It is clear that the then leadership could not appreciate the needs and aspirations of these people. For example, following partition, the whole of Chittagong Hill Tract went to Pakistan, by default. Most of the post-partition insurgency problems reflect the ignorance of the then leadership in respect of the Mongoloid people.
Now, the Chittagong Hill Tract has not only become the immediate sanctuary for most of the northeastern insurgent groups, but it has also created the Chakma-Hajong related problems. Most importantly, it has upset the social equilibrium of the Chin-Kuki-Mizo. Had the resolution passed by the Chin-Lusei Conference of Fort Williams in Calcutta, on 29 th January 1892, for bringing the whole tract of country inhabited by them under one administrative umbrella been implemented, the situation would have been quite different today.
DISTINCTIVENESS OF THE CHIN-KUKI-MIZO
THE CLAN SYSTEM
The clan system of Chin-Kuki-Mizo people is unique and is markedly different from other tribes in North-Eastern India. In most cases, the names of the different clans were derived from their progenitors forefathers. Inter-clan relationships can be used as the basis for determination of the family lines of the people. In fact, the clan system constitutes one of the most interesting and intriguing aspects of their history and society. There are a large number of clans within the ChinKuki-Mizo and, hence, it has not been possible to prepare an exhaustive list of the clans as yet.
Consequently, members of the same clan/family can and do exercise their option for being identified as a Chin, Kuki or Mizo. Further, they also keep on changing their ethnic identity, according to their habitat.
Inter-marriages among the different clans within the Chin-Kuki-Mizo group have been in practice, throughout the ages, without any restrictions whatsoever. Claims and counter-claims, including litigation, for exclusive ownership of some cultural items, such as the Puonlaisen, have surfaced only recently. Some scholars interpreted these as indicative of separate identities within the group. Mr. Nikhil Chakravarty, the noted journalist, was surprised to know that there were a many as sixty-eight different tribes. There might be some minor hick-ups among the clans. But, it is unfortunate that the point that these different clans are related to each other by blood and processes of historical evolutions is often missed by scholars not acquainted with the culture and history of the Chin-Kuki-Mizo people.
The different clans are scattered all over the North Eastern region (Mizoram, Manipur, Nagaland, Tripura and Assam) as well as the bordering states of Bangladesh and Myanmar. In fact, a majority of them have settled in Myanmar and far eastern countries. Pu Lalthanhira]a, the Chief Minister of Mizoram, in a discussion with the Sunday magazine of Gangtok, stated that more Mizos lived outside Mizoram than inside.9 Scattered all over the NE region and countries, through generations of settlement, they have been identified by neighbouring out-groups by different ethnic names. This in spite of the fact that the different clans have lived and mixed together in the same areas sunders the same system of administration, throughout the ages. Marriage and divorce, including other social practices are virtually uniform in their respective societies.
All clans within the Chin-Kuki-Mizo groups followed the patriarchy system and therefore men occupied a high position in their society. They took all the important decisions and were responsible for all family affairs. Recently their patriarchal system has undergone significant transformation whereby women have been accorded an important position in society and they have an equal say in the family. In fact, now the whole management of the household is in the hands of the women. They also equally participate in jhum cultivation, sowing seeds and weeding grass in the field. Of course, the practice of adopting names of their father's clans continues. In terms of succession and inheritance also, the patriarchal system continues, though there is internal variation.
For some clans, the eldest son inherits the property of the family; in others it is the youngest son who has the right to succession and inheritance. In case of death, however, they follow uniform system of burial. After they embraced Christianity, the churches introduced more or less the same system. Though there are no restrictions for people belonging to the Chin-Kuki-Mizo group, they strictly prohibit the sharing of the burial ground with others. This aspect of their culture is deeply rooted in their history, and it goes on to show that they are the same people and their clan relationship is based on ethnic affinity through blood.
They introduced their own traditional institutions for village administration and, interestingly, the advent of the British consolidated and strengthened rather than weakening or disturbing, these Institutions.
For example, the Chin Hills Regulation of 1896 put the traditional village administration on a firm footing and clearly defined the areas of administration of the village and the provincial states. Thus, they were governed by the same customary practices and same procedures followed for trial of civil suits and criminal cases. They therefore can be best accommodated under the same set of laws and courts. The British colonial rulers understood this well and hence they treated the Chin-Kuki-Mizo as one tribe under the Chin Hills Regulations of 1896, Clause 2(3). Though the term 'Lusei' figured, Mizo' did not and the 'Chin' included Burmans domiciled in the Chin Hills and any person who had adopted the customs and language of the Chins.
SOCIETY AND CULTURE
A large number of other socio-cultural customs and practices may be mentioned. Some of these are common to other Northeastern tribes while some are unique to the group. We will make only passing reference to a few of them. A system of slavery existed among the Chin-Kuki-Mizo since time immemorial, but it is no longer in vogue. Adoption through Saphun (a social system by which a family changes its clan affiliation) has been in practice throughout their history. For 'Saphun' it is not necessary to go to a court of law or a registration office; all that is required is to arrange a community feast and announce the adoption.
Like many other hill tribes, the Chin-Kuki-Mizo also has common places, which may be broadly equated with community halls and/or dormitories. The Garos call it the bachelor's house; the Zemes call it Noktorong, while the Chin-Kuki-Mizo calls it 'Zawlbuk'. The 'Zawlbuk' is an institution — it is the centre of most social activities.
These people celebrate a number of festivals such as 'Mim-Kut Pawlkut', 'Chapchar Kut', 'Thalfavangkut' (the Autumn festival) and the like. The adoption of Christianity has not negatively affected the celebration of these festivals. In fact, THALFA VANGKUT continues to be celebrated in a big way, and all sections of the people participate in it. In Manipur, they have named it as the Chin-Kuki-Mizo Kut, which is grandly celebrated on the first of November every year. They have developed in into a most enjoyable occasion in which different cultural items such as dances, singing-competition and beauty contests are organised. Each year a new location is selected for the Kut festival and public leaders and government officials from both Manipur and Mizoram grace the occasions.
The Chin-Kuki-Mizo people are great lovers of music and songs. In all their villages one can find a number of musical instruments, both traditional and modern-western. Their sweet music and good voices charm the hills and mountains in the region. They are fond of dancing, particularly in social gatherings. They perform different dances for different occasions, or festivals and in honour of visiting dignitaries. They have hymnbooks containing songs to be sung to a specific tune. These songs are composed to suit different occasions.
They singing in accompanied by beating of the traditional drum called Khuong made of wooden material and covered by animal skin. Khuong is found in all the villages inhabited by people of this ethnic group. Among dances, the most popular are the 'Khal Lam', 'Cheraw Lam', 'Pheiphit Lam' and the bamboo dance. The different dances are not exclusive in the sense that they are common to all the tribes and clans, and no group can claim separate ownership.
Lastly, it may be mentioned that these people are experts in weaving. The ladies weave clothes of different designs and colour combinations. The important thing is that different clans wear different patterns of shawls (like the Scotchmen that are also regarded as Israelites), which serve as the immediate clan identity marker of the people. They also weave traditional dresses like Zakuolaisen and Hmaram, which are extremely popular among young girls who wear them on important occasions. Zakuolaisen is the most popular shawl pattern. Saipikhup is the name of another shawl decorated with beautiful designs and very popular among the Kukis, especially those living outside Mizoram.
During one of my Flights between Delhi and Guwahati, I came across a photo-reproduction of a gentleman from Mizoram wearing a Saipikhup shawl. In Manipur, one finds different shawls of different designs among the different tribes and clans such as Aimol, Anal, Chiru, Chothe, Gangtc, Hmar, Kom, Koireng, Lamgang, Mating, Tarao, Paite, Simte, Vaiphei. The moot point is that the different designs of the shawls serve as identity markers and any confusion in this regard can create misunderstanding.
THE LANGUAGES OF CHIN-KUKI-MIZO
The language/dialect of issue relating to Chin-Kuki-Mizo people has been matter of controversy. The linguistic diversity of India is well known. Several scholars have said that if we travel on foot from one end of the country of the other, at every five kms., we would find a different language/dialect being used by the people. In spite of certain differences, we can say that the languages/dialects spoken by the Chin-Kuki-Mizo people are closely related. The Tower of Babel legend is too well-known to be repeated here.
Tower of Babel
The Chin-Kuki-Mizo people do not have an original script of their own. Broadly speaking, we can divide them into two linguistic groups — the R group and the Non-R group. Let us take a few examples to explain this classification of R and Non-R Groups in the contexts of Mizoram and Manipur. Since they did not have a script of their own, they chose to adopt the Roman script, of the English alphabet variety of 24 letters. The Duhlien (Lusei) dialect was the first one to be codified by the British missionaries. They first translated the Bible into Lusei. This Dahlien/Lusei dialect is now known as Mizo language, perhaps the most popular and commonly used by these people. It serves as the lingua franca among the Chin-Kuki-Mizo people. The maximum numbers of songs, including love songs, have been composed in Mizo and hence it is very popular among the youth. Thus Mizo has the potential to develop into a full-fledged, advanced link language.
No doubt, there are internal differences with regard to the acceptance of Duhlien dialect as the Mizo language. But, it must be realised that the Mizo language (based on the Duhlien/Lusei dialect) only stands a good chance for inclusion in the Eighth Schedule, which would serve the interests of all the tribes within the Chin-Kuki-Mizo. There are many different clans, living in Chandel and South Manipur (Churachandpur) districts of Manipur, who speak dialects most of which belong to the Non-R group. These dialects are so closely related that in inter-clan, inter-tribe public gatherings they speak in their own respective dialects and yet there is no problem of communication. In the written form as well the same holds true.
In village meetings, the Secretary records the proceedings in his own dialect and reads them aloud for approval by the members. It is logical that the dialect/language spoken by the largest number of clans should be accepted and developed as the link language. In the present situation, the Kuki language stands the first chance to develop as the lingua franca as well as the literary language among the different clans in Manipur for the Non-R group.
MARRIAGE SYSTEM
The Chin-Kuki-Mizo people have a common marriage system. Boys pay the customary bride price for getting wives and there is no dowry system. In fact, boys having accepted a dowry and decorated their houses with materials brought by their wives are not held in respect in the society. With modernity, however, girls are allowed to bring with them some of their valued dresses, including daily garments. Since in terms of details the different clans have different customary practices we cannot provide an exhaustive account here. Let us simply refer to the most common practice.
Customary bride price is paid in both cash and kind. Marriages were normally arranged by relatives and parents by taking 'Zu' to the girl's house. Since the advent of Christianity, this practice has been given up. Rather, the parents and/or relatives boil tealeaves in the house of the girl to initiate marital discussion and to finalise the details, including fixation of customary price. The customary price paid for a girl is generally shared by the close relations of her family. The traditional marriage system is a great virtue of the system.
NAMING SYSTEM
The naming system is important for clan-wise identification of a person. The name of a person is the most important clue to the person's clan/ group identity. Mostly, the Chin-Kuki-Mizo people have avoided western names. Usually names are formed by taking parts of the parents or maternal uncles' names or from the achievement of the family. However members of the Catholic Church usually have two names—an original ethnic name and the other a Catholic name. Sometimes the name of a child indicates the history of his/her family. But, under no circumstances do they adopt a Hindu name.
It may be passingly mentioned here that there is no caste system among the different clans of Chin-Kuki-Mizo people. All clans enjoy equal status within the group. The customary price paid for girls varies from clan to clan, but it is in no way indicative of the status of the clan.
TIlE JEWISH CONNECTION?
Recently, some historians have tried to connect the history of origin of the Chin-Kuki-Mizo people with that of the Jews, claiming that the former are of Israelite origin—descendants of Manasse—one of the 12 children of Jacob. Jyoti Lal Choudhary'' reported that Mrs. Zaithan Chhungi had brought out books in support of the claim that these people were descendants of the Jews. In fact, people who have advocated this theory or the racial claim belong to the Chin-Kuki-Mizo group living in Mizoram, Manipur and Nagaland. In India these people are mostly known as Kukis or Mizos, regardless of their habitation but in terms of Israelite identity, they are put under one ethnic name, i.e. Israelites/ Jews. While some families have already migrated to Israel, many more are still waiting for an appropriate opportunity.
Clearly, this new development has created some ethnic dilemma within the group. Shifts in identity have been a continuous phenomenon among the Chin-Kuki-Mizo people. It is therefore extremely difficult to definitively determine the origin and history of these people. Hence, there is always confusion, of some kind or the other, among authors and scholars, in establishing their ethnic identity.
CONCLUDING REMARKS
I have attempted in this paper to highlight the ethnic identity and affinity of the Chin- Kuki-Mizo people. Though the discussion is not exhaustive, I hope I have been able to focus some important aspects. The work is essentially based on my personal experiences and my interaction with a number of social and religious leaders. I have taken up this work, not because I belong to this group or because I come from the northeast region, but because of my intense desire to enable this particular ethnic group to share our national glory and enrich our tradition of unity in diversity.
Following tremendous economic and technological development in Northeast India since Independence, there has been marked increases in interaction and inter-mixing among the people in this region. A number of Seminars and Conferences organised to bring together these people and scholars to discuss the various issues and problems facing them. Given great fluidity in the region, questions relating to ethnic identity, unity and affinity have assumed great importance.
On the basis of the foregoing information and discussion in this brief paper, I come to the conclusion that there is no necessity to continue the search for appropriate identity for the Chin-Kuki-Mizo people. It is quite clear these people are of the same origin, a based on blood-relationship, shared history and common socio-cultural traits, customary laws and rights and lastly by common biological physical features. They have a common clan system; the different clans are named after their progenitors and the super ordinate group name, Chin-Kuki-Mizo, covers all the clans within the group.
Of course, it is next to impossible to identity members of different clans for independent inclusion under either Chin-Kuki-Mizo tribe. It is for this reason that a group of students and scholars have made a proposal to coin a new ethnic name 'Chikim' (Chin, Kuki, Mizo). Distinctions based on clans as well seem to be disappearing, particularly among persons who live outside the region and the elite section of the society. Further, while the terms Mizo and Kuki are most appropriate in Mizoram and Manipur respectively, Chin may be the preferred identity marker in international fora.
To sum up, the entire North-eastern region is identified as a paradise of research for historians, economists, sociologists, anthropologists and other social scientists; it is equally a hot bed for politicians and an area where administrators are in great dilemma while working out suitable governmental schemes to suit the diverse cultures and social systems in the region. It is regrettable that even after 50 years of independence, we do not have enough historical and contemporary information about the North-eastern peoples, their societies and cultures.
Thus, they do not find appropriate place in books on Indian history and society used in our educational curricula. Sincere efforts therefore must be made to reconstruct Indian history, which must include the history of the peoples of the North Eastern region, dealing with their ethno-cultural aspects, their struggles and fight against colonial rule and their sacrifices as well as their human potential.
Chin State (Myanmar)
Description of the Flag
According the Flag Bulletin the Chin Republic (and probably the Liberation Movement) flies this flag. "Zoram [Chin State] (Zomi ['Chins']) - Burma." Similar to the above, but with lighter blue and smaller disk. The initial draft of the Chinland constitution is now available. The flag is regulated in the chapter XII article 102, but it is not decided yet, neither is the national anthem, nor the coat of arms. Chinland is a Burmese self-determination/secessionist movement. Chinland includes all the Mizo/Zozam/etc areas some of which are in India or Bangladesh.
Zo flags
The Zomi Momno Association home page shows two flags, one listed as the Zo flag (Chin State). It is a blue-red-green horizontal tricolour, with a central disk showing perching hornbills on a flowering bush. Around the disk are 9 white stars. A variant of this flag shows a disk with one bird, and 6 stars. Another variant shows one bird, no branch, and 9 stars.
The Zomi Re-unification Organisation aims to unify the Zo people (variously known as Chin, Kuki, Lushai etc) of Myanmar, Bangladesh and India. Their website presents a proposed national flag described as follows:
"The Zomi national flag has a a red background upon which are laid two full-stretched upright crosses, an inner green coloured cross surrounded by an outer yellow cross. Significance of the colours: RED - Sacrifice, YELLOW - Victory, GREEN - Prosperity"
About the Chin Peoples
The term "chin" is an old Burmese word for "fellow" "companion" or "friend". The term "Chin" and "Chindwin" (it means the hole of the Chins) are mentioned in the Pagan inscriptions from the beginning of the 13th century AD. The term "Chin" is designated to the various hill tribes of the Chin State of the Union of Myanmar (Burma), the Mizos of Assam State of India, some of the hill tribes of Chittagong hill tracts of Bangladesh and the "Thados" of Manipur State. The tribes are also found in Rakhaing State, Thayer, Minbu, and Pyinmana districts. To the Indians they are known as "Kukis" (meaning hill man) and "Nagas" (meaning naked). Unfortunately, none of them recognise the term "Chin" though officially recognised and accepted so far, nor do they like to be called "Chin". They prefer to call themselves in their tribal names as Laimi, Zomi, Mizo, Asho (Asher?), Cho, Mro, Khumi (very similar to Khumri, a name from which Israelites were known sometimes by their Mesopotamian captors)...etc. (Ref; Notes on the Chin Language by U Van Kyi)'.
Stephen Epstein reports of a visit to the 'Bnei Menashe', part of the Kuki tribe in Mizoram (India) that still retain Jewish rites. 'More than 300 Bnei Menashe have gone to Israel, where they have undergone conversion and have settled with the help of Rabbi Avichail and Amishav. Many live in the Gush Katif area, work in agriculture and serve in the army.'
Photo of the Chin national flag was published in my Bulletin (issue 1) and is similar to this one but the central star is full yellow (or golden) instead of a Magen David pattern.
The flag shown here is an authentic one, but misattributed, I guess in part due to our general ignorance of this obscure region of the world, beautiful, and at the same time engulfed in the terrible turmoil and shielded well from the outside scrutiny by the Indian regime. After exchanging considerable correspondence with Mr. Neh Thang Kuki, moderator of the Kuki International Forum , it became clear the above mentioned flag is representing the government of Zale'n-gam, a "wished for" country which is supposed to unite all Kuki (Chin) people who are recently under the Indian, Myanmarese and Bangladeshi occupation. The Kukis of Mizoram are overwhelmingly Christian, but have a fascinating connection with Bnei Menashe, which explains the presence of the "shield of David" on their flag. This is a subject which would take much too much space here, so allow me to direct those interested to few (out of many) websites dealing with it:
The reason for using the "David Star" does not necessarily mean that we have relations with the Jews. As a predominant Christian society, we have gospel songs and other hymns which mention the "David Star". The star symbolizes the savior of the world, Jesus. It is our belief that this "David Star" also interpreted as "Morning Star" will prevail all the enemies of our Lord Jesus Christ one day, sooner or later. In other words, we could also say that the star is the symbol of strength which represents the King of Kings, Lord of Lords.
Lost Israelites From the Indo-Burmese Borderlands
The Akha highlanders of Burma and Thailand, documented by Kammerer, share a similar background to the Shinlung, from many points of view. They converted to Christianity, despite their initial resistance to the new religion, from an indigenous zah, or form of religion and way of life. Clearly, the Akha did not convert to Judaism, and herein lies the great difference; nevertheless, the Shinlung replaced their indigenous religion by a different world religion
The process of conversion to Judaism among the Shinlung began some 30 years ago, when groups of heterogeneous people in Mizoram and Manipur in India and in Tiddim, Burma, started observing Judaic practices in the belief that Jewish customs and the Jewish faith were compatible with indigenous tribal religion and could in fact replace it. Their link to Judaism was through a lost Israelite claim associated with millenarian beliefs, which may have been introduced to them through Christianity, or alternatively, may have been inherited from their indigenous religious beliefs. The dual conversion appealed to ancient ties, as well as creating older yet newer identities of ethnicity and nationalism.
The conversion of the tribal peoples of northeast India and Burma to some form of Judaism over the past few decades has not swelled the ranks of the Jewish communities in India and Burma to any extent. The numbers converted are both insignificant, and almost impossible to assess due both to the closed nature of the geographical areas from which they hail, and the dynamic nature of their conversion. Moreover, contact between the converted tribal peoples, who today call themselves the ‘Children of Menasseh’ and the local Jews in India is limited to a handful of pupils who study side by side with Bene Israel Indian Jews in Mumbai, and familiarity with one or two leaders of the Indian Jewish communities in Calcutta and New Delhi.
Although Christianity and Judaism in India and Burma can be said to display structural similarities in terms of their out-of-caste relation to Hinduism and their incongruity with Buddhism, numerically they are intrinsically different. Christians in India number more than 14 million souls, while at their peak prior to 1948 the Jews were only 23,000; today a total of 5,000 Jews live in India.
In Burma, no more than a handful of Jews remain. The total phenomenon of conversion to some form of Judaism in situ in north-east India/Burma is probably not widespread. In the second half of the 1980s, Tudor Parfitt was informed in Bombay that “several thousand families” had “reverted” to Judaism in Manipur (1987). Clearly, the magnitude of the phenomenon waxes and wanes from year to year, but in the past five years or so, it has received encouragement from reports of the Jewish weddings described at the outset of this article and the mostly positive newspaper articles. As far as I can assess today, the actual numbers of self-acclaimed Jews in all of Manipur, Mizoram and Assam in India and Tiddim in Burma may only encompass a few thousand people. However, an affiliation to Judaism by virtue of imputed common Israelite ancestry appears to be shared more generally by thousands of people in the area.
To date, over 700 people have converted officially to orthodox Judaism according to halachic (Jewish law) Israeli Rabbinical requirements either in India or in Israel. To the best of my knowledge, no Shinlung has converted to Reform or Conservative Judaism, whose conversions are not recognised by the orthodox Israeli establishment for purposes of marriage with other Jews.
This article, then, will survey some of the different tribal groups from north-east India and Burma involved in the religious conversion process. It will attempt to describe elements of the indigenous religion, and the subsequent conversion to Christianity. Recent claims that the Shinlung are ‘lost Israelites’ from the tribe of Menasseh will be examined in the light of millenarian traits and the myth of the Ten Lost Tribes.
The conversion of the tribal peoples of northeast India and Burma to some form of Judaism over the past few decades has not swelled the ranks of the Jewish communities in India and Burma to any extent. The numbers converted are both insignificant, and almost impossible to assess due both to the closed nature of the geographical areas from which they hail, and the dynamic nature of their conversion. Moreover, contact between the converted tribal peoples, who today call themselves the ‘Children of Menasseh’ and the local Jews in India is limited to a handful of pupils who study side by side with Bene Israel Indian Jews in Mumbai, and familiarity with one
or two leaders of the Indian Jewish communities in Calcutta and New Delhi.
The Shinlung, who are scattered over presentday Mizoram, Manipur, Assam and the plains areas of Burma, live side by side with the Nagas and the Meitheis, who are often known as Manipuris in the state of Manipur. According to an informant from Mizoram, the origin of the word Shinlung is obscure, although shin denotes the peoples’ putative connection to China, and lung means ‘stone’ and
refers to their genesis in a cave, a familiar theme in Chin-Lushai mythology. The Shinlung represents a collective identity which includes Chins, Kukis, Lushai, Mizos and others, and tribal identity shifts between different tribal appellations according to context. According to Lehman (1992), the designation is restricted to the inhabitants of Myanmar’s Chin State. “On the Indian side of the border the major related people are the Mizo, or Lushai, or Mizoram State. The Kuki and Hmar are their relatives in Manipur State. The Plains Chin, or Asho live in Myanmar proper just east of Chin State”. A recent complication is the identification of some Chin-Kukis with Nagas, whereas only at the beginning of the century, according to my informants, these were two distinct ethnic groups; simultaneously, tribal hostility has erupted between these two groups in recent years.
Although Thadou is the dominant Kuki group and dialect in Manipur today, included in the Shinlung collective designation are members of different tribal groupings speaking different languages and dialects from the Gangte, Hmar, Paite, Thadou, Vaiphei, Aimol, Zou and other tribes. The subtle differences between the tribes are sometimes one of location. As Sara, a recent convert to Judaism from the Vaiphei tribe told me at a wedding in Jerusalem in August 2000: “People in Israel think we’re all the same – but some of us can hardly even speak with the others because we’re from a different tribe.” It should also be recalled that despite their apparent homogeneity from an outsider perspective, many tribes are in conflict over competing resources and loyalties both in Mizoram and Manipur.
“The Chins present particularly difficult problems with respect to group identification and synonym”. Lehman (1963: 9) differentiates between the inhabitants of different geographical areas by calling all the peoples who live south, east and west of the Southern Chin Hills “Southern Chin”. However, within the Hills, there are both Southern Chin, who live in the former Arakan and Pakokku Hills Tracts, and Northern Chin, who comprise nearly all of the people on the Haka-Falam border in the Chin State of Burma and in the Tiddim area of Burma, as well as the Lushai and Lakker on the Assam side, Excluded from this categorization are the Kukis of the Chittagong Hills, Assam, Manipur and Tripura, whose social organisation is similar to the Southern Chin.
The terms Chin, Kuki and even Mizo are virtually interchangeable. Kuki is a term generally said to have been invented by the British, although Lehman attributes the term to the Manipuris, or the Hinduized Meitheis (1963: 5). Kukis can be divided into Old Kukis, which includes members of the Vaiphei, Chote, Purum and Aimol tribes, and New Kukis, which includes members of the Thado, Kolhen, Chilou and Biete tribes. Some of the New Kukis are Northern Chin who arrived in their present terrain during the middle of the nineteenth century; the Old Kukis, like the Vaiphei tribe probably were expelled from the Chin Hills a half a century earlier. Again, in recent
years, some tribesmen, and particularly those from the Vaiphei, Gangte, Zou and Paite tribes, have rejected the negative connotations of Kukis and have either identified themselves as Shinlung or as Zomi. During the 1990s a Kuki-Paite conflict erupted in Manipur on the basis of ancient tribal acrimony; recently, the Nagas and Kukis have openly expressed hostility over territorial issues, while the Hindu Meiteis are also vying with other tribal groupings on religious grounds.
After the annexation of the area in 1891, the British divided the territory into two administrative districts: the North Lushai Hills and the South Lushai Hills. In 1808 the two districts were amalgamated to form the Lushai Hills district, after the name of the local tribes people, the Lushai, and the District was incorporated into part of Assam. Although there is no satisfactory evidence for the origin of the term, Lushai is apparently a Chin word meaning ‘long-head’ (lu=head; sei=long) according to the fashion in which men wore their hair-knots and turbans.
In 1954 the Lushai Hills District was renamed Mizo District, after the name of one of the predominant tribes in the area, the Mizos. The majority of those who define themselves as Shinlung, hail primarily from Mizoram, and are often Lushai, but others also live in Manipur, the Tiddim area of Burma over the official border, and in Israel. The Shinlung do not represent a culture or a tribe, as Leach so astutely pointed out for the neighbouring Burmese Kachin and Shans (1954). However, as with the Kachin and the Shan, tribal identity with the wider connotation Shinlung is flexible, members preserving membership in the Shinlung entity at the same time as they negotiate other tribal or sub-tribal identities, including new-old Biblical ones, such as the Children of Menasseh.
Today, some 800 Shinlung individuals reside in the state of Israel, although the numbers change from time to time according to Israeli government policy. My informants there hail from the Haka Chin, Vaiphei, Gangte, Zou, Paite and other tribes. Some are content to self-identify as Shinlung, or by a specific tribal identification, although they have emerged in the press and in popular parlance as a conglomerate known in Hebrew as the Bene Menasseh, or the Children of Menasseh, thereby tying them to a Biblical tribal appellation from a different religion with a different destiny.
While the thrust of this article is on recent conversion to Judaism among certain Shinlung, a brief description will be given of traditional religion, as it can be gleaned from documentary sources. The description will of necessity be truncated, its purpose to point out the major elements of belief and practice. Although northeast India/Burma is populated by various tribal peoples, the following account will both be generic and a-historical with an awareness that tribal variation in belief and praxis has not been specified and in many cases has not been documented ethnographically. The Shinlung believe in a monotheistic, omnipresent god, who represents goodness. The Lushai and Mizos call this high god panthian or pathian. Lehman claims that the designation pathian was adopted by the Chin from the Lushai.
“They believe him to be by nature of disposition, zaidam, i.e. good-natured, amiable and humble, but somewhat inactive, particularly as regards controlling the evil spirits”. Among the Haka Chin, the same Supreme God is known as khuazing (lit: “when the rocks and stones were soft”)
One of the ancestor spirits is known as Manmasi or Manasia. The Shinlung ritual cycle revolves around the ritual recitations such as the Feasts of Merit and the Feasts of Celebration, accompanied by feasting and dancing.
There are three major festivals or kut which are associated with the agricultural activities of the Shinlung. The Mim Kut/maize festival, is celebrated in the months of August and September after the harvesting; the Chapchar Kut is held in March after the Jhum cutting, or jungle clearing, and is celebrated with great feasting and merriment; the Pawl Kut takes place in December once the second harvesting in the year is terminated. Sacrifice and particularly pig sacrifice is essential to the success of the festivals. For example, during Chapchar Kut, the first few days are spent by the young men hunting animals and catching fish. Then they kill the pigs, drink zu, a homemade rice beer, and partake of the feast.
Since Indian independence in 1947, the Methodists and the Baptists in Mizoram amalgamated into a united church, despite the fact that foreign missionaries were prohibited from operating there. By 1981, 83 per cent of the population in Mizoram had adopted Christianity (some 400,000 souls) as did 30 percent of the population in Manipur. In both states, it was the tribal populations, who were in fact the only target population among whom the missionaries were allowed to operate, who overwhelmingly adopted the new religion. All members of the Shinlung in Israel practised a form of Christianity before their adoption of Judaism
The Judaizing Shinlung managed to dovetail a claim of affiliation to lost Israelites with indigenous legends about wandering tribes, and to project millenarianism, which may have been inherent in their own religions, onto modern Judaism.
“Mela Chala from the village of Buallawn woke up one morning with a dream that the Shinlung were descended from the Israelites. News of the dream spread throughout Mizoram, Manipur and Chin State; it even reached Tiddim, in Burma. Mela Chala further had the vision that we, as Israelites, would return to Israel. This was in 1951.“…people have been trying to return to Judaism in order to return to their ancestral land,” the informant continued. The implication is that the ancient homeland of the Shinlung is the present-day nation-state of Israel.
It may well be that the recent conversion to Judaism by Shinlung, who in the past converted to Christianity, is also connected to the existence of millenarianism in indigenous religions in the area.
In China, for example, the Scottish missionary Rev. T. F. Torrance entitled his 1937 book “China’s Ancient Israelites” expounding the theory that the Chiang-Min are really Lost Israelites.
The claim to adhere to lost Israelite tribes is an ancient one, which is shared by hundreds, if not thousands, of groups throughout the world. According to the Bible, the northern Kingdom of Israel was conquered by the Assyrians in the eighth century BCE and the ten tribes (Reuben, Simeon, Issachar, Zebulun, Menasseh, Ephraim, Dan, Naphtali, Gad and Asher) in the Kingdom were exiled “…in Halah, and in Habor by the river of Gozan and in the cities of the Medes” (II Kings, 17: 6). The fate of the Ten Lost Tribes has always been something of an enigma. Although it was generally assumed that the Israelites who were exiled eventually assimilated, particular Biblical passages documented their place of exile (I Chronicles, 5:26) and prophetic proclamations (Isaiah, 11: 11-12; Ezekiel, 37: 21-23) suggested that they continued to live on and would be ‘ingathered’ in latter days. Hopes of discovering the Ten Lost Tribes and belief in the possibility of their ultimate return were kept alive throughout the ages.
Christian denominations who sought out ‘Israelites’, both among Jews and among Gentiles, whom they could convert to Christianity in order to hasten the arrival of the millennium. Thus, in the sixteenth century, the Bishop Las Casas attempted to prove that the American Indians were lost Israelites in order to “save” them. In the nineteenth century, Reverend Wolff, a missionary for the London Society for Promoting Christianity among the Jews, became convinced that the Jews of Bukhara, as well as other non-Jewish tribes in the Hindu Kush area, were descendants of the tribes of Naphtali and Zebulun. In this vein, nineteenth century missionary work among the Karen tribe of Burma was inspired by the belief that they, too, were of the Lost Tribes. Dr. Francis Mason, of the American Baptist Foreign Mission Society, arrived with his wife in Toungoo, Burma, in 1814. By the middle of the century, Mason became convinced that indigenous Karen worship and, in particular, their belief in a monotheistic eternal god called Y-wa, were similar to that of the ancient Israelites and that they were of the seed of Israel. According to Stern, this identification lent stature in Karen eyes to their own indigenous beliefs, which were now recognised as part of a Great Tradition. The Masons thus reinforced traditional millenarianism by working with them through Christian revivalism. It appears that in parts of Mizoram, in particular, conversion to Christianity implied the identification of local tribes with Lost Tribes of Israel.
The ancestors of the Shinlung were Israelites exiled by Shalmanezer, King of Assyria, in 722 BCE. They lived in Persia and Afghanistan and were then pushed eastward into Northern India, through Hindukush, and to Tibet. They migrated to China and settled in Yunan Province. From there, they moved to central China where they came into contact with the now-extinct Jewish Kaifeng community. During the reign of King Chin Shihuangti, who built the Great Wall of China, they were treated as slaves.
The Shinlung retained their own customs, but were persecuted by the Chinese, who killed all their priests and burned their holy books. In order to escape from the King’s soldiers, some of the Shinlung escaped and took refuge in caves. They became known as ‘The Cave People’, a familiar motif in this part of the world. Emerging from the cave, the people established a separate village named Sinlung
(hence, their collective appellation, Shinlung). From approximately 1300 CE they moved to Shan State and crossed the great river Irrawady and penetrated into the Aupalling hills in Burma. Here, they were maltreated by the king and again escaped. They reached their present habitat in India on the Burmese border about 1600 or 1100 CE, and to this day, know that their origins are different from the rest of the local population.
Parallels exist between traditional Shinlung religion, in its various manifestations and Judaism, which, for lack of knowledge, is presented in monolithic fashion, often in its Biblical formulation.
As in the Jewish belief system, spirits exist, but Pathian, as creator of the world, has been distanced from them. Evil spirits have been equated with the satan.
Mizos, like the Israelites, used such blood. Their ancestors had lost their written records and traditional rites and practices are taught orally through generations. This practice naturally leads to few differences in the detail of rites but the principal rites of sacrifices as well as its purpose are the same amongst all clans of Mizos”. Parallels are also found in marriage and divorce customs, including levirate marriage, as described in the Bible. The system of slavery among the Shinlung is compared to that of Israelite slavery and the Biblical rules to redeem slaves, as described in Exodus 21: 2-6 and Deuteronomy 15: 12-13, are considered to be parallel. The pamphlets compare Jewish traditional festivals, particularly the three Jewish ‘Foot Festivals’ or pilgrimages, namely, the Feast of Thanksgiving (Succot), Passover (Pesach) and the Harvest Festival (Shavuot) with the three major Shinlung Festivals described above in this article. A particular resemblance is found between the Jewish festival of Passover, which recalls the exodus from Egypt and on which Jews refrain
from eating leavened bread, and Chapchar Kut, which occurs at approximately the same time of the year.
Most significant in recent years is the conflation between Manasia or Manmas, and the Israelite tribal appellation Menasseh (or Menasha). Manasia is a Shinlung forefather. “At family offering the chant is, ‘The children of Manasia offer Thee animal’s blood, O God of High’… At the sacrifice for healing epilepsy, the priest chants: ‘Release him we are above your power, we are children of Menase’… When a new settlement is made, clearing the jungle for that purpose, the first sapling felled is accompanied by a chant ‘You are obstructing our grandfather Manasia’… In the offering of some sacrifice the chant is, ‘Manase, Menase come and help us.’” His powers are said to be inferior to pathian yet a tradition states that whenever praying to God. “‘The name of our forefather Manasia must be pronounced.’”
The Kaifeng community is considered by most serious researchers as a Jewish community from the Kingdom of Judah – probably an offshoot of Iranian Jewry – and therefore not a remnant of Lost Tribes.
‘Christ is going to establish his Kingdom on earth, in Israel, and we, being the lost tribe of Israel must also return to our home land.’ There were several people going round the villages collecting names of those who would like to join the migration party. There was time when ‘migration into Israel’ was in the lips of almost everybody in Lushai. They went so far as to send a deputation to the Consul of Israel in Calcutta, but their representatives came back disappointed. As a result the movement soon declined although a very small remnant still clings to the movement. It is said that they observe the Passover feast and the Sabbath, though they still claim faith in Jesus Christ”
During the 1970s several deputations were made to the Israeli consulate and letters were sent to the Israeli Consulate and the Jewish Agency in Bombay. The petitioners requested further information about Jewish customs; some requested to emigrate to Israel by virtue of the fact that they were ‘Israelites,’
The evolution of attachment and claimed origin to the tribe of Menasseh was strengthened through contacts with Rabbi Avichail, head of an organisation called ‘Amishav’ aimed at “regathering the lost ones in Israel.” In 1980, on his first visit to India from Israel Rabbi Avichail met young members of the Shinlung tribe studying in Bombay with the Bene Israel Indian Jewish community or the ORT trade school. The Bene Israel, aware of the claims of the Shinlung to be Israelites, appeared to be sympathetic to the demands of another group who, 20 years after their own struggle to be accepted as “full” Jews, were now also claiming to be a part of the Jewish people.
In subsequent correspondence with members of the group in Bombay, Calcutta and Aizawl, Rabbi Avichail, upon his return to Israel, suggested the appropriateness of the group appellation Children of Menasseh which fitted their own pre-Christian affiliation with Mannasi. Avichail (1988) writes: “This tribe traces the ancestry to the tribe of Menasseh. In their prayers and songs they refer to themselves as the Sons of Menasseh, and they pray to the God of Menasseh. The entire tribe is conscious of its Jewishness”. Avichail sent ritual Jewish items to the group via Calcutta, including religious books and skullcaps, and in 1983 he was instrumental in bringing four young people to Israel for religious training. Only two completed an official Israeli conversion course. Of these, Simon Ginn returned to Churachandpur; and Rebecca Benjamin married and remained in Israel. A third convert, Gideon Rei, returned to Aizawl where he acted as Jewish religious leader of the Israelite community, despite the fact that he did not actually complete the course.
In November 1989, the Amishav organisation arranged for a group of nine young adults to be brought over to Israel to pursue a course of further religious studies. To their consternation, although the previous year’s conversion had been ratified by the Israeli Chief Rabbinate in Bombay, they had to ‘re-convert’ in Israel to fully satisfy the Chief Rabbinate. Many of the group are to this day continuing to study in separate male and female yeshivot (institutes for higher Jewish learning) in Jerusalem.
In 1990, Gideon Rei, who by this time called himself “Chief Chazan” (ritual cantor), wrote a letter from Mizoram on headed note paper with the title “United Bene Menasseh: N.E. India and N. Burma.” Until that point, I received in personal correspondences, letters from Churachandpur, Manipur, on headed notepaper from the “United Tribal Jews of North-East India (includes Manipur, Assam and Mizoram)”.
In a letter from Tiddim the Secretary of “The Community of Judaism” Lian Tual, explained his tribal name to me as Jinghpaw, equivalent to Kachin, meaning people who love to sing and dance. He writes: “If this is this Jinghpaw or Kachin tribe, we must be ancestry to the tribe of Menasseh.” This, of course, is the same group that Leach studied and about whom he reported the ease with which they can change tribal allegiance. Leach was referring to the oscillation between polar political systems embedded in tribal affiliations, and the way Kachin and neighbouring Shan think of the difference between them as one of “ideal” and not of ethnic, or cultural or racial type.
In 1992 a group of young Shinlung arrived in Israel with the aid of the Amishav organization; some of them settled in the Gush Katif area in the Gaza strip. In 1994 a group of families emigrated to Israel and were settled in Kiryat Arba near Hebron and in other settlements in Israel’s West Bank. According to Parfitt, their settlement was financed by Dr. Irving Moskowitz, a rightwing wealthy businessman from Florida.By 2000, approximately 400 Shinlung had converted to Judaism in Israel. A new group of Shinlung were studying in a conversion course in Jerusalem and, save one or two Shinlung who had settled in such towns as Beth Shemesh or Kiryat Gat, the vast majority was living in the West Bank. The political ramifications of their choice of settlement have not escaped observers.
Most journalists and political commentators believe that the millenarian beliefs which guided their conversion to Judaism dovetail with messianic beliefs of the settlers in the West Bank, who are waiting impatiently for the coming of the Messiah. Small groups of these settlers seek to accelerate this process by the ‘ingathering’ of Lost Israelites.
On the basis of the lost tribe of Menasseh claim, the Shinlung are demanding a ‘return’ to the Holy land in the same way that the Bene Israel of India (attributed to the tribe of Zebulun or, more recently, the Ethiopian Jews (attributed by no lesser an not all Shinlung desire to emigrate to Israel, even if they have converted to Judaism, formally (i.e. according to the religio-legal demands of the Israeli Rabbinate), or informally (i.e. by adopting Jewish customs).
Furthermore, not all Shinlung, who claim they are lost Israelites, desire to convert to Judaism, even if they acknowledge the comparison between Shinlung traditional religion and Judaism. Some Shinlung have chosen the path of conversion to orthodox Judaism and emigration to the Land of Israel; others have selected the same path of conversion without emigration. Some Shinlung define themselves as Christian, but believe in the imminent return to Zion in conjunction with the Jews; others define themselves as Israelites, but believe they can build Zion in Mizoram.
Finally, some Shinlung have affiliated with different ‘Messianic Jews’ in the United States, who believe that the observance of Jewish practices is compatible with a belief in Jesus as the Messiah. According to Samra, a Messianic Jewish movement named Bet Hashem, from New Haven, Indiana, donated a ‘synagogue’ for its followers in Churachandpur. Another group called Assembly of Y-weh from Holt, Michigan, was also active in Manipur.
It has also recently forged a new nationalism in the guise of the Children of Menasseh by uniting the ethnic identities of a multiplicity of tribes and connecting them to the wider Diaspora of the Jewish people. Thus, in recent years a new Israelite/Jewish identity with autonomic aspirations has arisen, which incorporates with ease members of different tribes, including a small group of people in Tiddim, Burma, who have been exposed to different religious influences, such as Buddhism. The borders of international agreements are therefore superseded by a new common Israeli cultural identity as Children of Menasseh, which fuses dissatisfaction with local and national governments and past religion, and the search for new horizons. Although it is often conjectured that nationalism can be superseded by a type of cosmopolitanism, internationalism or global culture, in practice all over the world there is a strengthening of geo-cultural tendencies characterized by different trends The moulding of the new identity in Israel as Jewish members of the tribe of Menasseh turns to ethnic autonomy for its source and is based upon a ‘felt antiquity’ of ethnicity, the creation of a unit as an ‘ethnie’ and the impact of ethnohistory.
That process is aimed today at uniting tribal affiliations into a crystallized new ethnic group, and writing, or, more accurately, reconstructing an ethno-history which can create the new “community of history and destiny”. The process is aided by the compatibility of the indigenous religion, which contained revivalist tendencies, with messianic elements in Judaism.
The affiliation to a “community of history and destiny” was thus perpetuated through the millenarianism identified in the culture area as a whole. This is particularly prominent among the Karens of Burma whose traditions of Y-wa have been identified with a Hebraic source and whose belief in a holy Book, once lost, which might be returned to them by messengers over the sea, paved the way for the acceptance of Christianity in a millenaristic framework. However, as I have demonstrated, millenarian tendencies are also evident in the very groups we have examined, who are claiming Israelite origin on both sides of the Indian-Burmese border, and in the state of Israel.
There are strands in Judaism that believe in Jewish missionary activity in order to speed up the Redemption. According to a recent publication, there are only eight Jewish family names on the Rangoon synagogue’s current membership list, while a few descendants of Burmese Jews live in towns other than Rangoon. At their peak, most of Burma’s 1200 Jews were expelled, mostly to Calcutta, by the Japanese, suspicious of Jews as potential sympathisers with the British. The abbreviation Chikim, referring to Chins, Kukis and Mizos as one tribal grouping, is used by Myer Samra.
Zaithanchhungi speaks English and I have interviewed her on two separate occasions in Israel, the last time in 1991. She apparently translated these chants to English. Today, a young man from Mizoram is employed by a well-known Israeli author as a translator of many local songs to English. The author reported in the Absorption Committee of the Israeli Knesset (Parliament) in May 1999 that the songs “prove that the Children of Menasseh are one of the Lost Ten Tribes”.
A Lost Book Returning
They are “peoples of the Lost Book — The Karen, the Kachin, the Lahu, the Wa, the Shan and Palaung Peoples, the Kui, the Lisu, the Naga, and the Mizo and their legends of a lost book that would return and show the way to restore their peoples to God.”
Numerous cultures (hundreds actually) knew and worshiped the true supreme God in the past but lost the book and that it would come back to them by “white men.”
“One, gains an unmistakable impression that the Sky- God wanted to communicate with people of various folk religions all the time, but for His own mysterious reasons maintained a policy of restraint until the arrival of Yahweh's testimony! This is surely a powerful extra-biblical evidence for the authenticity of the Bible as revelation from the one true and universal God!
when you include Israel, then the picture is clear. God worked through this one nation that He formed to reach the others.
“They once had a " white book," given them by Yuah; that through neglect to read and care for it, they had lost it, just as they had lost Yuah's fellowship; and for this reason they were ignorant and afflicted.
These prophets not only foretold the coming of the Deliverer, but described him, and the manner of his coming. He was to be a "White Foreigner' and was to come from the " west," with " white wings," and bring the " White Book."
“In 1795 an English diplomat in Burma received an usually friendly welcome from the Karen people. They asked if he was the ‘white brother’ they had been expecting for countless generations. If he were, he would have with him a book that their forefathers has lost. It was written by Y’wa, the Great God, and it would free them from their oppressors.”
70% of the Karen are Buddhist, Buddhist-animist, or animist (today 20% to 30% are Christian).
“During the 1830s, a Karen named Sau-qua-la gave an address before the English governor-general of Burma. He said that Europeans, the "white foreigners," were originally younger brothers of the Karen people (Both peoples are Israelites)! The Karen, as older brothers (rascals that they were), negligently lost their copy of Y'wa's book. The white brothers, on the other hand, carefully preserved their copy. As a result white people became "righteous" and are known as "guides to God."
The Kachin, like the Karen. Believed that Karai Kasang once gave their forefathers a book which they lost” Kachin beliefs did not specify how the lost book would be returned to them, but apparently they were open to the possibility that it would one day be restored". “The Kachin also believed that their forefathers had once possessed Karai Kasang's sacred writing!”
It will be brought back and that the Bible fulfills this. 10 different cultures had an ancient book (the same one, the Bible). It is possible that everyone of these tribes was a remnant of the Lost Tribes of Israel. Not by chance , apart from the lost book... they are the very same number of Israelite tribes.
The Karens, Chins, Nagas, Garos, Mishmis and Abors are related tribes to the Kachin.
Kuy people
Kuy, Kui or Kuoy people live primarily in Southeast Asia, including the countries Thailand, Laos and Cambodia.
The Kuy people are actively engaged in efforts to preserve Prey Lang forest in Cambodia. Prey Lang’s name originated from the Kuy language and means “the forest (Prey) which belongs to all of us”. Organisations including Amnesty International and Cultural Survival have documented how Kuy people have faced development aggression and been forcefully evicted from their homes due to economic land concessions.
The “spirit forest” (there love for woods resemble that of ancient Israel) is an integral part of Kuy culture, however spirit forests are increasingly impacted by mining interests as Cambodia develops. Some Kuy people are artisans with unique basket and textile weaving skills. Some Kuoy are rice farmers or raise silk worms and weave silk.
Women have an esteemed position in Kui society (unlike the Chinese proper) ensuring community cohesion and spiritual beliefs, apart from their central role in subsistence food production. The young generation of Kuy people speak Kuy language while writing in Khmer script. The Cambodian Indigenous Youth Association has members who are Kuy people who study and work in Phnom Penh.
The Palaung (Burmese: [pəlàʊɴ lùmjó]; Thai: ปะหล่อง, also written as Benglong Palong) or Ta'ang are a Mon–Khmer ethnic minority found in Shan State of Burma, Yunnan Province of China and Northern Thailand. In China, they are referred to as the De'ang (Chinese: 德昂族; pinyin: Déáng Zú also spelt Deang) people. Is Deang a local word put in exchange of the name of Dan?
They live mainly in the northern parts of Shan State in the Pa Laung Self-Administered Zone, with the capital at Namhsan.
The Ta'ang (this word's sounds also resemble those of the word Dan) or Palaung State Liberation Army, the armed wing of the Palaung ethnic group, began fighting against the Burmese military in 1963.
Total population 557,000 (est.)
There are three main subgroups of Ta'ang: the Palé, Shwe and Rumai.
There are three principal Palaung languages.
In China, the De'ang are found in the following villages of Zhenkang County and Gengma County. In China, they are known as the Laopulao 牢普劳; there are 6 other De'ang groups located in Burma.
Dazhai Township 大寨乡, Muchang District 木厂区, Zhenkang County: Bangwa 邦娃 (Dazhai 大寨), Xiazhai 下寨, Huoshishan 火石山, Laobandeng 老班登, Mahuangqing 蚂蟥箐 of Chaikao 柴考 Nansan Township 南伞乡, Pengmushan District 彭木山区, Zhenkang County: Xiaochanggou 销长沟, Beiyan 北岩 Hongmulin 红木林 and Manxing 曼兴 of Hewai District 河外区, Gengma County: Junnong 君弄, Mamao 马冒, Jinmo 金莫, Muyin 木因, Xungang 巡岗
Most Ta'ang are adherents of Theravada Buddhism and Buddhist temples can be found in most of their towns. Buddhism is present in all of the daily activities of this ethnic group. At the age of 10, many children are sent to the monasteries, primarily for education. Most of them return to lay life in later years.
The Riang are the only one of the four groups who have never converted to Buddhism. The majority of the Riang are animists.
Wa people
The Wa people (Wa language: Vāx; Chinese: 佤族; pinyin: Wǎzú; Thai: ว้า) are an ethnic group that lives mainly in northern Burma, in the northern part of Shan State and the eastern part of Kachin State, near and along Burma's border with China, as well as in China's Yunnan Province.
Historically the Wa have inhabited the Wa States, a territory that they have claimed as their ancestral land since time immemorial. It is a rugged mountainous area located between the Mekong and the Salween rivers, with the Nam Hka flowing across it. The Wa traditionally practiced subsistence agriculture by cultivating rice, peas, beans, poppies and walnuts. They bred buffaloes which they used mainly for sacrificial purposes. Generally, the traditional customs of the Wa, as well as their lifestyle, are very similar to those of the Naga people further to the Northwest.
Burma 800,000 Kachin State & Shan State. China 400,000 Yunnan Province. Thailand 10,000
Very little is known about the early history of the Wa. What is known is mostly made up of local legends telling that in the distant past the historical Wa States and all the territories of eastern Shan State, as well as large swathes of the adjacent areas of present-day China had belonged to the Wa. In the area of the former Kengtung State the Wa were displaced around 1229 and were later defeated by King Mangrai. At the time of British rule in Burma the Tai Yai people were the majority of the population in Kengtung state with other groups such as Akha and Lahu, forming sizeable communities. The Wa now form a minority of only about 10% in Kengtung District despite having been the original inhabitants.
Wa peopleThe Wa originally had animist religious beliefs centered around ritual blood sacrifices (as old Israel did). Villages had a spirit healer (Tax Cao Chai) and the traditional way of dealing with sickness or other problems was to sacrifice a chicken, a pig or a larger animal, depending from the magnitude of the affliction. According to local legend, the practice of cutting a human head was intended as a ritual sacrifice in order to improve the fertility of the rice fields. Traditional villages had also shrines (Nyiex Moeg) where a buffalo was sacrificed once every year at a special Y-shaped post named Khaox Si Gang with an offering of the blood, meat and skin performed at it. Animals were also sacrificed at celebrations such as marriages and funerary rituals among the traditional spirit-worshiping Wa, a practice that still endures among the Christian Wa.
In the traditional Wa society monogamous marriage was the norm and there was sexual freedom for both men and women before marriage. The chewing of betel with areca nut was formerly also an important custom. The Wa have different kinds of traditional dances. One important dance in their culture is accompanied by the beating of a large hollow wooden drum. This way of dancing, among other Wa dances such as the hair dance and festivals, is being promoted as a tourist attraction by the Yunnan tourism authorities in China.
The Wa people also have a well-engrained drinking culture, with large amounts of local moonshine being produced and are widely believed to on average consume the largest amount of alcohol in China (are they Ephraimites? In the Bible the Ephraimites were regarded as great alcohol drinkers).
The Wa language forms a language group belonging to the Palaungic branch of the Austroasiatic language family. It formerly had no script and the few Wa that were literate used Chinese characters, while others used the Shan language and its script. Christian missionary work among the Wa began at the beginning of the 20th century first in the Burmese and later in the Chinese areas of the Wa territory. It was led by William Young, from Nebraska. The first transcription of the Wa language was devised by Young and Sara Yaw Shu Chin in 1931 with the purpose of translating the Bible. This first Wa alphabet was based on the Latin script and the first publication was a compilation of Wa hymns in 1933, the Wa New Testament being completed in 1938. This transcription, known as "Bible orthography" is known as lǎowǎwén, 老佤文 "old Wa orthography" in Chinese, and is now used mainly in the Burmese Wa areas and among the Wa in Thailand.
The Western Lawa are officially considered part of the Wa minority in China and are also known as 'tame Wa'.
Very little has been written about the Wa people except in the Chinese language. The area where they live had been traditionally administered by a Sawbwa, a Shan hereditary chief. In the second half of the 19th century the British authorities in Burma judged the Wa territory remote and of difficult access. Thus, excepting Manglun where the Sawbwa resided, the British left the Wa State without administration, its border with China undefined. That situation suited the Wa well, for throughout their history they had consistently preferred being left alone.
The Wa Special Region 2 was created within the northeastern Shan State, with its de facto capital in Pangkham.
The land where the Wa have been traditionally living is divided between Burma and China. The international border cuts the ancestral Wa region roughly in half.
China
The Wa are one of the 56 ethnic groups officially recognized by China. In China, the Wa live in compact communities in the Ximeng (in Wa: Mēng Ka or Si Moung), Cangyuan, Menglian (Gaeng Līam), Gengma (Gaeng Mīex or Gaeng Māx), Lincang (Mēng Lām), Shuangjiang (Si Nblāeng or Mēng Mēng), Zhenkang, and Yongde counties in southwestern Yunnan Province in China. Their population in China is estimated at around 400,000.
Benren
The "Benren" 本人 of Yongde County and Zhenkang County, Yunnan are officially classified as Wa by the Chinese government, but consider themselves to be a separate ethnicity from the Wa. Their autonym is "Siwa" 斯佤. The Benren are distributed in:
Menggong Township 勐汞佤族乡 (recently incorporated into Dejue Township 德党镇), Yongde County: in Menggong 勐汞、Daba 大坝、Songlin 松林、Dapingzhang 大平掌、Hunai 户乃、Xiaodifang 小地方、Lielie 列列. There are 10,289 Benren in the township as of 2010.
Desili Township 德思里彝族佤族乡, Fengqing County
Mangka Township 芒卡镇, Cangyuan County
Burma
The Wa are one of the 135 officially recognized ethnic groups in Burma. Their proportion to Burma's total population is 0.16. Although little is known about the ancient history of the Wa, they are acknowledged by other dominant ethnic groups in Shan State, such as the Tai Yai people, to be the original inhabitants of the area.
In Burma, the Wa live mostly in small villages near Kengtung and north and northeastwards close to the Chinese border, as well as a small area east of Tachileik. The Wa Special Region 2 of the Northern Shan State or Wa State was formed by the United Wa State Army (UWSA) and the remains of the former Burmese Communist Party rebel group that collapsed in 1989. The Wa State and the UWSA are in a fragile cease-fire agreement with the Burmese military government. They have been accused by Western governments of involvement in drug trafficking but have banned opium production since 2005 and have received United Nations aid in improving legitimate agriculture.
As stipulated by the 2008 Burmese Constitution, on 20 August 2010 the Wa Self-Administered Division has been established. It is set to be administered by the Wa people and its territory is between the gorges of the Mekong and Salween rivers, in the east part of the Shan State, near the border with the Chinese province of Yunnan.
Thailand
In recent times some Wa communities from Burma have crossed the border and settled in Thailand, where they have no official status as a Hill Tribe. The Wa live mainly in the Mae Sai District and Mae Yao subdistrict of Chiang Rai Province, as well as in Wiang Pa Pao District in southern Chiang Rai Province and Chiang Dao District in Chiang Mai Province. In Thailand the Wa having come recently from Burma are often referred to as 'Lawa', although they do not strictly belong to the latter ethnic subgroup.
Lahu people
The Lahu people (拉祜族; own names: Ladhulsi or Kawzhawd; Vietnamese: La Hủ) are an ethnic group of China and Mainland Southeast Asia.
The Lahu are one of the 56 ethnic groups officially recognized by the People's Republic of China, where about 720,000 live in Yunnan province, mostly in Lancang Lahu Autonomous County. In Thailand, the Lahu are one of the six main groups categorized as hill tribes. The Tai often refer to them by the exonym Muso (Thai: มูเซอ), meaning 'hunter'. They are one of 54 ethnic groups in Vietnam, and mostly live in Lai Châu Province.
A few Lahu, along with the Hmong, Lao, and Mien were recruited by the United States Central Intelligence Agency to help fight against the communist Pathet Lao, known as the secret war, during the Laotian Civil War. In fear of retribution when the Pathet Lao took over the Laotian government in 1975, those who had helped the United States fled to neighboring Thailand seeking political asylum.
A couple thousand Lahu have resettled in the United States as refugees, in the states of California, Minnesota, North Carolina, Texas, and Utah. Most Lahu Americans live in Visalia, California, thus making Visalia home to the largest concentration of Lahu people outside of Asia.
China (PRC) 720,000 Myanmar 150,000 Thailand 100,000 Laos 15,000 United States 10,000 Vietnam 9,651 (2009)
The Lahu divide themselves into a number of subgroups, such as the Lahu Na (Black Lahu), Lahu Nyi (Red Lahu), Lahu Hpu (White Lahu), Lahu Shi (Yellow Lahu) and the Lahu Shehleh. Where a subgroup name refers to a color, it refers to the traditional color of their dress. These groups do not function as tribes or clans - there are no kin groups above that of the family. Lahu trace descent bilaterally, and typically practice matrilocal residence.
The Lahu language is part of the Loloish branch of the Lolo–Burmese subgroup of the Tibeto-Burman family (itself a member of the Sino-Tibetan language family). Like most of its relatives, it is a strongly isolating language with subject–object–verb word order, and a set of numeral classifiers. There are seven tones, and consonants cannot close syllables. The language spoken by the Lahu Shi is notably divergent from that spoken by the other groups. In Thailand, Lahu Na often serves as a lingua franca among the various hill tribes. Written Lahu uses the Latin alphabet. Among Christian villages, the language has been enriched by loanwords from English, Latin and Greek via Bible translation, plus neologisms in the areas of hygiene, music and education.
The traditional Lahu religion is polytheistic. Buddhism was introduced in the late 17th century and became widespread. Many Lahu people in China are Buddhists. Christianity became established in Burma in the 19th century and has been spreading since.
The Lahu of Northeastern Thailand had encounters with Theravada Buddhist forest monks (tudong monks) around the years 1930-1940. The leader of such a group of monks, ajahn Man (or Mun), spent some time in Lahu territory. These Lahu asked him for a "gatha that would protect them from ghosts and demons."
Lisu people
The Lisu people (Chinese: 傈僳族, Lìsù zú; Thai: ลีสู่) are a Tibeto-Burman ethnic group who inhabit mountainous regions of Burma (Myanmar), southwest China, Thailand, and the Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh.
About 730,000 Lisu live in Lijiang, Baoshan, Nujiang, Diqing and Dehong prefectures in Yunnan Province and Sichuan Province, China. The Lisu form one of the 56 ethnic groups officially recognized by the People's Republic of China. In Burma (Myanmar), the Lisu are recognized as one of 135 ethnic groups and an estimated population of 600,000 Lisu live in northern (Namhsan, Lashio, Hopang, and Kokang) and southern Shan State (Namsang, Loilem, Mongton) and Wa Special Region, Sagaing Division (Katha and Khamti), Mandalay Division (Mogok and Pyin Oo Lwin), and Kachin State (Putao, Mkyikyina, Waimaw). Approximately 55,000 live in Thailand, where they are one of the 6 main hill tribes. They mainly inhabit remote mountainous areas. Their culture has traits shared with the Yi or Nuosu (Lolo) culture.
Total population 1,200,000 (est.) Regions with significant populations China (Yunnan, Sichuan), Burma (Myanmar), Thailand, India
Lisu history is passed from one generation to the next in the form of songs. Today, these songs are so long that they can take an entire night to sing.
Research done by Lisu scholars indicates that they moved to northwestern Yunnan. They inhabited a region across Baoshan and the Tengchong plain for thousands of years.
Lisu people in India are called "Yobin". In all government records, Lisu are Yobin, and sometimes used alternately. Lisu is one of the minority tribes of Arunachal Pradesh of India. They live mainly in Vijoynagar Circle in 11 villages. Gandhigram (or Shidi in Lisu) is the largest village. Lisus are found in Miao town and Injan village of Kharsang Circle Changlang District. The Lisu traditionally lived in the Yunnan Province of China and northern Myanmar. There are about 5,000 Lisu people in India.
On 7 May 1961, the 7th Assam Rifles expedition team led by Major Sumer Singh entered the Moloshidi Valley and reached the largest village in the valley, Shidi (now called Gandhigram). They were accorded a warm reception by the villagers and further told by the villagers that they were the first ever to have visited Lisu land, Moloshidi Valley. The Assam Rifles team assured the villagers that from now on this virgin land will be under Indian rule and the people would be protected from enemy aggression. Till then there was no international boundary in the Moloshidi Valley. In 1972 the Demarcation of International Boundary with Burma was completed, largely due to Lisu project guides, the only ones with full knowledge of their region. During demarcation, cement pillars were erected at strategic elevations. In the process, the Moloshidi Valley fell on the Indian side of the boundary.
Some groups of Lisu took the then Ledo Road. Some of them worked as coal miners under British. (One certificate that originally belonged to one Aphu Lisu is a British coal miner's certificate from 1918, preserved by the Lisu). The certificate bears the mark of the then governor who ruled the region from Lakhimpur, Assam. Most of the Lisu who lived in Assam went back to Burma. However, Some are still found in Kharangkhu area of Assam, Kharsang Circle of Arunachal Pradesh. While most have lost their mother tongue, some have preserved the language and culture almost intact.
The Lisu tribe consists of more than 58 different clans. Each family clan has its own name or surname. The largest families among the tribal clans are Laemae pha (Shue or The Grass, who speak Bai rather than Lisu), Bya pha (The Bee), Thorne pha, Ngwa Pha (Fish), Naw pha (Thou or Bean), Seu pha (the Woods), Khaw pha. Most of the family names came from their own work as hunters in primitive times. However, later, they adopted many Chinese family names.
After the Ming Dynasty, most Lisu tribespeople had become a people that lived in villages high in the mountains or in mountain valleys. However, those who still lived in the Paoshan plains, standing on the side of the Qing Dynasty, fought against the Kingdom of Ming. The Lisu knife ladder climbing festival was first held as a memorial event of victory over Ming in 1644 CE. The Lisu people invented their own traditional dance so called "che-ngoh-che" along with the Lisu guitar which has no bars on the fretboard. They invented another musical instrument called fulu jewlew as well. It is a kind of flute that has about six or seven small bamboo tubes tied up together to a dried-hollow-gourd.
Songs and dances differ according to the occasion. Weddings, homecomings, harvests, and other ceremonial events all have their corresponding music and dances.
They have typically been dependent on trade for survival. This included work as porters and caravan guards.
The Lisu practiced swidden (slash-and-burn) agriculture. In conditions of low population density where land can be fallowed for many years, swiddening is an environmentally sustainable form of horticulture. Despite decades of swiddening by hill tribes such as the Lisu, northern Thailand had a higher proportion of intact forest than any other part of Thailand (is this because they are good tree huggers like the Jews?).
Lisu practice a religion that is part animistic, part ancestor worship, mixed within complex local systems of place-based religion. Most important rituals are performed by shamans. The main Lisu festival corresponds to Chinese New Year and is celebrated with music, feasting and drinking, as are weddings; people wear large amounts of silver jewelry and wear their best clothes at these times as a means of displaying their success in the previous agricultural year. In each traditional village there is a sacred grove (groves were important places of worship for the ancient Israelites) at the top of the village, where the sky spirit or, in Thailand, the Old Grandfather Spirit, are propitiated with offerings; each house has an ancestor altar at the back of the house.
Beginning in the 20th century, many Lisu people in China and Burma converted to Christianity. Missionaries such as James O. Fraser, Allyn Cooke and Isobel Kuhn and her husband, John, of the China Inland Mission (now OMF International), were active with the Lisu of Yunnan.
The Chinese government's Religious Affairs Bureau has proposed considering Christianity as the official religion of the Lisu.
According to OMF International estimates, as of 2008, there are now more than 300,000 Christian Lisu in Yunnan, and 150,000 in Burma. Only the Lisu of Thailand have remained unchanged by Christian influences. Now, Christianity is becoming the dominant religion among the Lisu people gradually (is this acceptance of Christianity so great because it reminds them the future Messiah of their Israelite ancestor?).
Linguistically, the Lisu belong to the Yi or Ngwi branch of the Sino-Tibetan family.
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